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Berita - Sumbangan?

2006-05-08T17:53:00.000+10:00

SUMBANGAN... Ekoran tindakan Israel dan beberapa negara Barat menghentikan penyaluran dana kepada kerajaan Palestin pimpinan Hamas sejak Mac lalu, pentadbiran negara itu kini berhadapan dengan krisis kewangan, termasuk untuk membayar gaji kakitangan awam. Ketika Palestin mengadakan perundingan bagi mendapatkan bantuan asing, rakyat Indonesia pula mengambil inisiatif untuk menghulurkan sumbangan wang kepada kerajaan negara itu.

Jadi apakah sumbangan kamu pula? sumber: utusan.com.my

Tokoh - Abdullah ibn `Abbas

2006-04-29T11:56:00.000+10:00

By Fethullah Gulen June 14, 2005 `Abdullah ibn `Abbas was born four or five years before the Hijrah. He had a keen intelligence and memory and was an inspired man. Allah’s Messenger prayed for him, “O God, make him perceptive and well versed in the religion and teach him the interpretation of the Qur’an.” In his life, he came to be called The Great Scholar of the Ummah or The Sea, meaning one very profound in knowledge or the interpreter of the Qur’an. He was a very handsome, tall man endowed with great fluency of speech. His memory was such that he memorized, at one reading, a poem 80 couplets long by `Amr ibn Rabi`ah. Besides his profound knowledge of Qur’anic interpretation, tradition, and jurisprudence, he was also well versed in literature, particularly in the poetry of the pre-Islamic Age of Ignorance. Ibn Jarir At-Tabari relates, in his Tafseer, either a couplet or verse from him in connection with the interpretation of almost each verse of the Qur’an. He was greatly loved by the Companions. Despite his youth, `Umar included him in his Advisory Council, the other members of which were chosen from the elders among the Companions. When asked why he had included that young man in the council, `Umar tested the council about their level of understanding of the Qur’an. He asked them about the meaning of Surat An-Nasr [When comes the help of God, and victory, and you see men entering God’s religion in throngs, then proclaim the praise of Your Lord, and seek His forgiveness; for He is Oft-Returning (in grace and mercy)] The elders answered, “It orders the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) to praise God and seek His forgiveness when he sees people entering Islam in throngs after the help of God and victory came.” `Umar did not like this and put the same question to Ibn `Abbas: What does this surah mean? Ibn `Abbas replied, “This surah implies that the death of God’s Messenger is near. Because, when people enter Islam in throngs, it means that the mission of Messengership has terminated.” `Umar turned to the council and explained, “That is why I include him among you.” Ibn `Abbas was very famous for his deep insight, profound learning, keen memory, high intelligence, and perceptiveness. Besides, he was very modest. When he entered a place where people gathered, people would stand up in respect for him, but this made him uncomfortable and he said to them, “I beg you, for the sake of the help and shelter (you gave to the Prophet and the Emigrants), do not stand up for me!” Although he himself was one of the most knowledgeable among the Ummah, Ibn `Abbas showed great respect to scholars. For example, he helped Zayd ibn Thabit mount his horse by holding the stirrup steady and explained, “We have been ordered to behave like this towards our scholars.” In return, Zayd ibn Thabit kissed his hand without approval and remarked. “We have been ordered to behave like this towards the relatives of God’s Messenger.” Ibn `Abbas raised many scholars in every branch of religious knowledge. The School of Makkah, in jurisprudence, was founded by him. Leading scholars of the generation following the Companions, such as Sa`id ibn Jubayr, Mujahid ibn Jabr and `Ikrimah acknowledged that “‘Ibn `Abbas taught us whatever we know.” The number of the Traditions narrated by Ibn `Abbas is about sixteen hundred.

Fatwa - Qardhawi: Membantu Palestina Hukumnya Wajib

2006-04-10T06:09:00.000+10:00

COMES: Persatuan Ulama Dunia (al ittihad al ‘alami li’ulama’ al muslimin) mendorong kepada negara-negara dan bangsa-bangsa islam untuk membantuk bangsa Palestina dan pemerintahnya yang dipilih secara demokratis di dalam menghadapi pemboikotan dana dari negara-negara dan lembaga-lembaga Barat.

Seperti dilansir kantor berita aljazeera, dalam pernyataan penutupan pertemuan di Beirut, Lebanon, Kamis (06/03/06), Persatuan Ulama Dunia meminta negara-negara Arab yang telah berjanji membantu dana bagi pemerintah Palestina agar segera memnuhi janjinya.

Ketua Persatuan Ulama Dunia, Syaikh Yusuf Qardhawi mengeluarkan fatwa syar’i yang menegaskan wajibnya membantu orang-orang Palestina. Qardhawi menganggap bantuan itu sebagai kewajiban (fardhu) atas kaum muslimin.

Sementara itu seorang intelektuan dan penulis islam, Muhammad Salim Al’awa mendorong kaum muslimin untuk segera menyisihkan sebagian dari harta mereka untuk membantu orang-orang Palestina.

Disebutkan bahwa dunia Barat yang diwakili Amerika dan Uni Eropa telah memutuskan untuk menghentikan bantuan dana kepada pemerintah Palestina yang dipimpin Hamas dan hanya mencairkan dana bantuan kemanusiaan melalui lembaga-lembaga bantuan PBB.

Uni Eropa dan Amerika menggantungkan bantuan langsung kepada pemerintah Palestina dengan sejumlah syarat. Penghentian bantuan itu bisa dicabut apabila pemerintah Palestina mengakui hak eksistensi Israel, membuang kekerasan (maksudnya perlawanan bersenjata) dan menerima kesepakatan-kesepakatan sebelumnya. (seto)

Berita - Hamas Ministers Eat Beans’ Sandwiches at Their First Meeting

2006-04-09T11:31:00.000+10:00

Hamas Ministers Eat Beans’ Sandwiches at Their First Meeting
Ikhwanweb - Gaza, palestine


Saturday, April 08, 2006
The news story should in fact be added to the news, reported a couple of days earlier, that Hamas-based Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail Haneyya had refused the promotion of his son, recommended by his chief before the formation of the Hamas government, to the post of a director at the agency where he works. These are good signs that the Hamas government will succeed, God willing, in presenting to the world a model of a Muslim Brotherhood government in practice. It is a message to every head of Arab State or government -and in fact far beyond- that there are honest people who do not profit from their seats of government to make personal gains and that their ultimate and most sublime objective is to gain the pleasure of God. Knowledgeable sources have revealed that the Palestinian government, which held its first meeting on Wednesday, 5 April 2006, under the chairmanship of Prime Minister Ismail Haneyya, had a meal consisting of sandwiches of beans, chick-peas and ‘falafel’. It was reported that when the ministers felt hungry at the meeting which lasted from 1 p.m. to 8 p.m., the prime minister proposed to bring sandwiches of beans, chick-peas and ‘falafel’, as a practical application of the belt-tightening and expenditure-compression policy of the government. The proposal was welcomed by all ministers. This denotes the sense of responsibility that the government has in dealing with public finance at a time when it suffers from a suffocating financial crunch that has cast its shadow on all citizens, the majority of whom have not received their monthly pay and face extremely difficult circumstances as a result of Zionist (Israeli) closures and blockades in Palestine and international pressures on the government formed by the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas). The prime minister affirmed to reporters that ministers of his government would not receive their salaries for the current month except after salaries of all employees and stipends of families of prisoners of war and martyrs were paid. Reporters saw for themselves the arrival of the sandwiches to the premises of the Council of Ministers, but they first thought that they were intended for escorts or security personnel. The first cabinet meeting was held via a closed video link (video conferencing) between the cities of Ramallah and Gaza because of the refusal by occupation authorities to allow Palestinian ministers to move between the West Bank and Gaza Strip. It is worth mentioning that the Hamas movement, which came to power on the basis of its Program for Change and Reform, had been an outspoken critic of the absence of transparency in government institutions and pledged itself to eradicating nepotism as well as recruitment and promotion based on factors alien to efficiency and qualifications.

Tarbiyah - Belajar dari Kepahlawanan Miqdad Bin Amir

2006-04-08T08:08:00.000+10:00

Ia dikenal sebagai pelopor barisan berkuda dan ahli filsafat. Ketika membicarakan dirinya, para sahabat dan teman sejawatnya berkata, "Orang yang pertama memacu kudanya dalam perang sabil adallah Miqdad ibnul Aswad."

Dan Miqdad ibnul Aswad yang mereka maksudkan itu adalah tokoh kita Miqdad bin 'Amr ini. Di masa jahiliyah ia menyetujui dan membuat perjanjian untuk diambil oleh Al-Aswad 'Abdi Yaghuts sebagai anak sehingga namanya berubah menjadi Miqdad ibnul Aswad. Tetapi setelah turunnya ayat mulia yang merangkaikan nama anak angkat dengan nama ayah angkatnya dan mengharuskan merangkaikannya dengan nama ayah kandungnya, maka namanya kembali dihubungkan dengan nama ayahnya yaitu 'Amr bin Sa'ad. Miqdad termasuk dalam rombongan orang-orang yang pertama masuk Islam, dan orang ketujuh yang menyatakan keislamannya secara terbuka dengan terus terang, dan menanggungkan penderitaan dari amarah murka dan kekejaman Quraisy yang dihadapinya dengan kejantanan para ksatria dan keperwiraan kaum Hawari! Perjuangannya di medan Perang Badar tetap akan jadi tugu peringatan yang selalu semarak takkan pudar. Perjuangan yang mengantarkannya kepada suatu kedudukan puncak, yang dicita dan diangan-angankan oleh seseorang untuk menjadi miliknya. Berkatalah Abdullah bin Masy'ud yakni seorang sahabat Rasulullah SAW, "Saya telah menyaksikan perjuangan Miqdad, sehingga saya lebih suka menjadi sahabatnya daripada segala isi bumi ini...." Pada hari yang bermula dengan kesuraman itu, yakni ketika Quraisy datang dengan kekuatannya yang dahsyat, dengan semangat dan tekad yang bergelora, dengan kesombongan dan keangkuhan mereka, pada hari itu kaum Muslimin masih sedikit yang sebelumnya tak pernah mengalami peperangan untuk mempertahankan Islam, dan inilah peperangan pertama yang mereka terjuni. Sementara Rasulullah menguji keimanan para pengikutnya dan meneliti persiapan mereka untuk menghadapi tentara musuh yang datang menyerang, baik pasukan pejalan kaki maupun angkatan berkudanya. Para sahabat dibawanya bermusyawarah; dan mereka mengetahui bahwa jika beliau meminta buah pikiran dan pendapat mereka, maka hal itu dimaksudnya secara bersungguh-sungguh. Artinya dari setiap mereka dimintanya pendirian dan pendapat yang sebenarnya, hingga bila ada di antara mereka yang berpendapat lain yang berbeda dengan pendapat umum, maka ia tak usah takut atau akan mendapat penyesalan. Miqdad khawatir kalau ada di antara Kaum Muslimin yang terlalu berhati-hati terhadap perang. Dari itu sebelum ada yang angkat bicara, Miqdad ingin mendahului mereka, agar dengan kalimat-kalimat yang tegas dapat menyalakan perjuangan dan turut mengambil bagian dalam membentuk pendapat umum. Tetapi sebelum ia menggerakan kedua bibirnya, Abu Bakar Shiddiq r.a. telah mulai bicara, dan baik sekali buah pembicaraannya itu, hingga hati Miqdad menjadi tenteram karenanya. Setelah itu Umar bin Khatthab r.a. menyusul bicara, dan buah pembicaraannya juga baik. Maka tampillah Miqdad, katanya, "Ya Rasulullah, teruskanlah laksanakan apa yang dititahkan Allah, dan kami akan bersama anda....! Demi Allah kami tidak akan berkata seperti yang dikatakan Bani Israil kepada Musa,'Pergilah kamu bersama Tuhanmu dan berperanglah, sedang kami akan duduk menunggu di sini. Tetapi kami akan mengatakan kepada anda, 'Pergilah anda bersama Tuhan anda dan berperanglah, sementara kami ikut berjuang di sampig anda....!' Demi yang telah mengutus anda membawa kebenaran! Seandainya anda membawa kami melalui lautan lumpur, kami akan berjuang bersama anda dengan tabah hingga mencapai tujuan, dan kami akan bertempur di sebelah kanan dan di sebelah kiri anda, di bagian depan dan di bagian belakang anda, sampai Allah memberi anda kemenangan....!" Kata-katanya itu mengalir tak ubahnya bagai anak panah yang lepas dari busurnya. Dan wajah Rasulullah yang berseri-seri karenanya, sementara mulutnya komat-kamit mengucapkan do'a yang baik untuk Miqdad. Serta dari kata-kata tegas yang dilepasnya itu mengalirlah semangat kepahlawanan dalam kumpulan yang baik dari orang-orang beriman, bahkan dengan kekuatan dan ketegasannya, kata-kata itu pun menjadi contoh teladan bagi siapa yang ingin bicara, menjadi semboyan dalam perjuangan....! Sungguh, kalimat-kalimat yang diucapkan Miqdad bin 'Amr itu mencapai sasarannya di hati orang-orang Mu'min, hingga Sa'ad dan Mu'adz pemimpin kaum Anshar bangkit berdiri, katanya: "Wahai Rasulullah, sungguh, kami telah beriman kepada anda dan membenarkan anda, dan kami saksikan bahwa apa yang anda bawa itu adalah benar...., serta untuk itu kami telah ikatkan janji dan padukan kesetiaan kami! Maka majulah wahai Rasulullah laksanakan apa yang anda kehendaki, dan kami akan selalu bersama anda....! Dan demi yang mengutus anda membawa kebenaran, sekiranya anda membawa kami menerjuni dan mengarungi lautan ini, akan kami terjuni dan arungi, tidak seorang pun di antara kami yang akan mundur untuk menghadapi musuh....! Sungguh, kami akan tabah dalam peperangan, teguh dalam menghadapi musuh, dan moga-moga Allah akan memperlihatkan kepada anda perbuatan kami yang berkenan di hati anda....! Nah, kerahkanlah kami dengan berkat dari Allah....!" Maka hati Rasulullah pun penuhlah dengan kegembiraan, lalu sabdanya kepada sahabat-sahabatnya: "Berangkatlah dan besarkanlah hati kalian....!" Dan kedua pasukan pun berhadapanlah.... Anggota pasukan Kaum Muslimin yang berkuda ketika itu jumlahnya tidak lebih dari tiga orang, yaitu Miqdad bin 'Amr, Martsad bin Abi Martsad dan Zubair bin Awwam; sementara pejuang-pejuang lainnya terdiri atas pasukan pejalan kaki atau pengendara-pengendara unta. Ucapan Miqdad yang kita kemukakan tadi, tidak saja menggambarkan keperwiraannya semata, tetapi juga melukiskan logikanya yang tepat dan pemikiran yang dalam... Demikianlah sifat miqdad.... Ia adalah seoarang filosof dan ahli pikir. Hikmat dan filsafatnya tidak saja terkesan pada ucapan semata, tapi terutama pada prinsip-prinsip hidup yang kukuh dan perjalanan hidup yang teguh tulus dan lurus, sementara pengalaman-pengalamannya menjadi sumber bagi pemikiran dan menunjang bagi filsafat itu. Pada suatu hari ia diangkat oleh Rasulullah SAW sebagai amir disuatu daerah. Tatakla ia kemabli dari tugasnya, Nabi bertanya, "Bagaimanakah pendapatmu menjadi amir?" maka denagan penuh kejujuran dijawabnya: "Anda telah menjadikan daku menganggap diri diatas semua manusia sedang mereka semua di bawahku... Demi yang telah mengutus anda membawa kebenaran, semenjak saat ini saya tak berkeinginan menjadi pemimpin sekalipun untuk dua orang untuk selama-lamanya.....!" Seorang laki-laki yang tak hendak tertipu oleh dirinya, tak hendak terperdaya oleh kelemahannya....! Dipegangnya jabatan sebagai amir, hingga dirinya diliputi oleh kemegahan dan puji-pujian. Kelemahan ini disadarinya hingga ia bersumpah akan menghindarinya dan meolak untuk menjadi amir lagi setelah pengalaman pahit itu. Kemudian ternyata bahwa ia menepati janji dan sumpahnya itu, hingga semenjak itu ia tak pernah menerima jabatan amir...! Miqdad selalu mendendangkan hadits yang didenganrnya dari Rasulullah SAW: yakni, "Orang yang berbahagia, ialah orang yang dijauhkan dari fitnah.....!" Oleh karena jabatan sebagai amir itu dianggapnya suatu kemegahan yang menimbulkan atau hampir menimbulkan fitnah bagi dirinya, maka syarat untuk mencapai kebahagiaan baginya, ialah menajuhinya. Diantara madhar atau manifestasi filsafatnya ialah tidak tergesa-gesa dan sangat hati-hati menjatuhkan putusan atas seseorang. Dan ini juga dipelajarinya dari Rasulullah SAW yang telah menyampaikan kepada ummatnya: "Bahwa hati manusia lebih cepat isi periuk dikala menggelegak..." Miqdad sering menangguhkan penilaian terakhir terhadap seseorang sampai dekat saat kemtian mereka. Tujuannya ialah agar orang yang akan dinilainya tidak beroleh atau mengalami hal yang baru lagi......perubahan atau hal baru apkah lagi setelah maut...? Dalam percakapan yang disampaikan kepada kita oleh salah seorang sahabat dan teman sejawatnya seperti dibawah ini, filsafatnya itu menonjol sebagai suatu renungan yang amat dalam, katanya: "Pada suatu hari kami pergi duduk-duduk ke dekat miqdad. Tiba-tiba lewatlah seorang laki-laki, dan katanya keapda Miqdad: "Sungguh berbahagialah kedua mata ini yang telah melihat Rasulullah SAW! Demi Allah, andainya kami dapat melihat apa yang engkau lihat, dan menyksikan apa yang anda saksikan...!"

Miqdad pergi menghampirinya, katanya, "Apa yang mendoorng kalian unutk ingin menyaksikan peristiwa yang disembunyikan Allah dari penglihatan kalian, padahal kalian tidak tahu apa akibatanya bila sempat menyaksikannya? Demi Allah, bukankah dimasa Rasulullah SAW banyak orang yang ditelungkupkan Allah mukanya keneraka jahanam...! Kenapa kalian tidak mengucapkan puji keapda Allah yang menghindarkan kalian dari malapetaka seperti yang menimpa mereka itu, dan menjadikan kalian orang-orang yang beriman kepada Allah dan Nabi kalian!" Suatu hikmah...! Dan hikmah yang bagaimana lagi...? Tidak seoarangpun yang beriman kepada Allah dan Rasul-Nya yang anda temuai, kecuali ia menginginkan dapat hidup dimasa Rasulullah dan beroleh kesemaptan untuk melihatnya! Tetapi penglihatan Miqdad yang tajam dan dalam, dapat menembus barang ghaib yang tidak terjangkau dibalik cita-cita dan keinginan itu. Bukankah tidak mustahil orang yang menginginkan hidup pada masa-masa tersebut akan menjadi salah seorang penduduk neraka? Bukankah tidak mustahil ia akan jatuh kafir bersama orang-orang kafir lainnya...? Maka tidakkah ia lebih baik memuji Allah yang telah menghidupkannya dimasa-masa yang telah tercapainya kemantapan bagi Islam, hingga ia dapat menganutnya secara mudah dan bersih....? Demikianlah pandangan Miqdad, memancarkan hikmah dan filsafat... dan seperti demikian pula pada setiap tindakan, pengalaman dan ucapannya, ia adalah seorang filosof dan pemikir ulung. Pada suatu ketika ia keluar bersama rombongan tentara yang sewaktu-waktu dapat dikepung oleh musuh. Komandan mengeluarkan perintah agar tidak seorang pun mengembalakan hewan tunggangannya. Tetapi salah seorang anggota pasukan tidak mengetahui larangan tersebut hingga melanggarnya; dan akibatnya ia menerima hukuman yang rupanya lebih besar daripada yang seharusnya, atau mungkin tidak usah sama sekali. Miqdad lewat di depan hukuman tersebut yang sedang menangis berteriak-teriak. Ketika ditanyainya ia mengisahkan apa yang telah terjadi. Miqdad meraih tangan orang itu, dibawanya kehadapan amir atau komandan, lalu dibicarakan dengannya keadaan bawahannya itu, hingga akhirnya terungkaplah kesalahan dan kekeliruan amir itu. Maka kata Miqdad kepadanya, "Sekarang suruhlah ia membalas keterlanjuran anda dan berilah ia kesempatan untuk melakukan qishash!" Sang amir tunduk dan bersedia..., hanya si terhukum berlapang dada dan memberinya maaf. Penciuman Miqdad mengenai gentingnya suasana, dan geagungan agama yang telah memberikan kepada mereka kebesaran ini, hingga katanya seakan-akan berdendang: "Biar saya mati, asal Islam tetap jaya...! Hingga layaklah ia memperoleh kehormatan dari Rasulullah SAW menerima ucapan berikut, "Sungguh, Allah telah menyuruhku untuk mencintaimu, dan menyampaikan pesan-Nya padaku bahwa Ia mencintaimu." Ya Allah bangkitkanlah dari antara kami dan anak-anak cucu kami Miqdad-Miqdad pahlawan, pejuang dan pembela agama-Mu, amin. Sumber: Karakteristik Perihidup Enam Puluh Shahabat Rasulullah, Khalid Muh. Khalid

History - History of Muslim Brotherhood In Egypt

2006-04-07T09:40:00.000+10:00

History of the MB in Egypt	Ibrahem Zahmoul	194.00

Taujihah - Dakwah Untuk Kecemerlangan

2006-04-04T16:19:00.000+10:00

Nukilan : Dr. Danial bin Zainal Abidin Berdakwah adalah wajib bagi lelaki dan wanita dan tidak akan ada kecemerlangan bagi umat tanpa dakwah. Dalam surah At-Taubah ayat 71 Allah berfirman, "Orang-orang yang beriman lelaki dan perempuan setengah mereka menjadi pembantu bagi yang lain. Mereka mengajak kepada makruf dan mencegah kemungkaran." Dakwah adalah sebahagian daripada jihad. Dakwah bermaksud mengajak kepada makruf dan mencegah kemungkaran. Imam Muslim meriwayatkan sabda nabi yang bermaksud, "Barang siapa antara kamu melihat kemungkaran hendaklah dia cegah dengan tangannya. Jika tidak berdaya hendaklah dicegah dengan lisannya dan jika tidak berdaya hendaklah dicegah dengan hatinya dan mencegah dengan hati adalah tanda selemah-lemah iman." Ketika mencegah kemungkaran kadar minimum yang dituntut ialah mengingkari dengan hati. Dalam kitab Dalilul Falihin telah disebutkan, "Mencegah dengan hati bermaksud membenci kemungkaran dengan hati disertai dengan azam untuk mencegahnya dengan lisan ataupun perbuatan jika seseorang mampu nanti. Membenci maksiat dengan hati hukumnya ialah wajib ke atas setiap individu dan sesiapa yang reda dengan mungkar bererti dia bersekongkol dengannya." Sebahagian umat Islam pada hari ini memejamkan mata mereka dari kemungkaran yang berlaku di dalam masyarakat. Lorong hidup mereka hanya menghubungkan mereka kepada rumah dan tempat kerja sahaja. Di tempat kerja pula mereka hanya menjadi pak turut walaupun dalam perkara yang jelas bercanggah dengan Islam. Mereka berpegang kepada konsep 'kubur kamu, kamu jaga dan kubur aku, aku yang jaga.' Sahabat Talhah bin Ubaidillah pernah berkata, "Cukuplah menjadi keaiban pada seseorang jika dia sekadar duduk diam di rumahnya sahaja." Perkara ini disebutkan di dalam Tabaqat ibn Saad. Mereka yang meninggalkan dakwah tidak akan cemerlang kerana azab Allah akhirnya akan menimpa mereka. Dalam sebuah hadis riwayat Imam Tirmizi, nabi bersabda, "Demi Allah hendaklah kamu mengajak kepada makruf dan hendaklah kamu mencegah kemungkaran dan jika ini tidak dilakukan akan datanglah kepadamu balasan berbentuk seksaan daripada Allah dalam masa yang terdekat dan ketika itu kamu semua akan berdoa sedangkan Allah tidak akan mengabulkan doa-doa kamu." Hadis ini bertaraf hasan. Awasi Pendakwah Dari Pintu Neraka Imam Bukhari dan Muslim meriwayatkan sebuah hadis dari Huzaifah bin Yaman yang bermaksud, "Aku (Huzaifah) bertanya, 'Ya Rasulullah, sesungguhnya kami dahulunya berada dalam jahiliah dan kejahatan maka Allah mendatangkan kebaikan ini kepada kami. Apakah selepas ini akan ada kejahatan?' Nabi menjawab, 'Ya'. Aku bertanya lagi, 'Apakah selepas kejahatan itu akan datang pula kebaikan?' Nabi menjawab, 'Ya, tetapi akan ada bersamanya dakhnun (asap).' Aku bertanya lagi, 'Apakah asap itu ya Rasulullah?' Baginda bersabda, 'Golongan yang tidak lagi mengikut landasan sunnahku dan mereka tidak menggunakan petunjuk yang aku bawa. Kamu akan mengenali dan mengingkari mereka'. Aku seterusnya bertanya, 'Apakah selepas kebaikan ini akan ada pula kejahatan?' Nabi bersabda, 'Ya, akan datang pendakwah-pendakwah di pintu neraka. Sesiapa yang mengikut mereka akan dicampakkan ke dalamnya." As-Syeikh Said Hawa dalam Al-Madkhal Ila Dakwah Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimin mengaitkan hadis ini dengan zaman kita sekarang. Beliau berkata, "Marhalah dakhnun atau 'asap' berterusan hingga ke zaman kita hari ini dan era kita sekarang ialah era lahirnya pendakwah-pendakwah di pintu neraka." Salah satu aliran yang sedang menyerang dunia hari ini ialah Islam Liberal. Aliran ini menghendaki Islam ditafsirkan secara yang lebih terbuka dan bebas tanpa terikat kepada manhaj atau landasan yang bawa oleh nabi dan ulama salafusaleh. Antara ciri yang terdapat pada aliran ini ialah: ·

Kesamaan agama. Islam adalah agama yang benar tetapi agama lain yang mengajar konsep ketuhanan dan kebaikan juga adalah benar. ·

Tafsiran Al-Quran perlu bebas. Wahyu mempunyai dua kategori iaitu yang bertulis dan tidak bertulis. Wahyu yang tidak bertulis ialah akal, justeru akal perlu dibebaskan untuk mentafsir Al-Quran. ·

Nabi manusia biasa. Nabi adalah manusia biasa yang boleh tersilap justeru baginda boleh dikritik. Sunah nabi hanya relevan untuk masyarakat Arab di zaman dahulu. Mukjizat nabi hanyalah cerita rekaan manusia yang kemudiannya diagung-agungkan. ·

Hadis tidak lagi relevan. Hadis-hadis tidak berasal dari nabi. Ia hanyalah ciptaan orang-orang yang ada kepentingan. Hadis yang benar hanyalah yang bertaraf mutawatir. Namun kebenarannya hanya sesuai untuk diamalkan oleh orang Arab pada zaman nabi. Hadis-hadis yang berkaitan dengan alam ghaib seperti azab kubur dan israk-mikraj hanyalah cerita rekaan yang dibuat oleh perawi-perawi hadis. Antara pelopor Islam Liberal yang terkenal di Timur Tengah ialah Rifaat Bik Al-Tantawi, Taha Husein, Ali Abdul Raziq, Mahmud Abu Rayya dan Ahmad Amin. Di Indonesia pula mereka ialah Harun Nasution, Nurcholis Majid dan Nasaruddin Umar. Pada hari ini terdapat wanita yang ingin menjadi khatib dan imam pada hari Jumaat sedangkan Allah, dengan kasih sayangnya, tidak mewajibkan solat Jumaat bagi wanita agar kaum wanita dapat memberikan fokus kepada perkara lain yang penting. Inilah antara cabaran bagi umat di akhir zaman. Agama hendak diubah, cara amalan nabi dan sahabat mahu dicabar.... Oleh sebab kecemerlangan tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kebenaran, berdakwah bertujuan untuk menegakkan kebenaran di penjuru masing-masing mendekatkan kita kepada rahmat Allah. Dengan itu kehidupan kita menjadi sejahtera.

Info - Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt

2006-04-04T10:20:00.000+10:00

Monday, April 03, 2006

This chapter aims at reviewing and analyzing activities and ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, as an example of a socially oriented political movement with a political platform. This will also include an analysis of the most significant organizational developments the movement has undergone following the September 11 attacks, especially during the year 2002. Actually, there is much interest in the Muslim Brotherhood movement, a concern that is justifiably objective on the grounds that it is the biggest Islamic movement at least in the Arab region. It has always been the greatest influential movement at different ideological, social and political levels in most Arab as well as some non-Arab countries

Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Islam in general and Islamic movements in particular have increasingly been in the limelight in the post-September 11 stage in light of the growing linkage between Islam, violence and terrorism and terming Islam as an alternative enemy, not to mention the growing call for the development of an Islamic state model integrating the moderate Islamist trend into the political regime and political life. Such claims concentrated particularly on the socially oriented Islamic movements, including Muslim Brotherhood.

Within this framework, it will probably be suitable to begin with the outstanding developments witnessed by the Muslim Brotherhood following the 9/11 attacks, especially during the year 2002.

First: Selection of the new General Guide

The death of the fifth Muslim Brotherhood General Guide, Mustafa Mashour (1921-2002) and the necessity of selecting another General Guide posed many problems related to the internal power structure as well as kind of political conflict and its determinants among the group's elite that controls sources of power and influence as well as mechanisms of decision-making, pattern of internal democracy and other issues. Now that such issues and crises are renewable with every selection of a new General Guide, the current circumstances experienced by the group, especially its stance on the ongoing local and regional situations, make it incumbent upon the group to face the challenge of carrying out real ijtihad (independent legal opinion) not only to its ideological and political stances but also in its reconsideration extending to organizational structure and internal mechanisms of action. Success in facing such challenges should be a determinant of the groups' future scenarios and capability to continue and act politically. Such scenarios can be outlined through unveiling the nature of the political elite in control of sources of power and influence and the nature of the current balances managing internal conflicts, which can be featured by fathoming its early beginnings as well as the historical and political contexts in which the group has emerged and grown as an influential political force (1).

In light of such an atmosphere, the absence of the group's fifth General Guide represented an important moment that uncovered the deep internal interactions and developments the Muslim Brotherhood undergoing now. When tackling such interactions and developments we should, however, take two main points into consideration. Firstly, we talk about a social political group with a general Islamic platform. Its general makeup and structure are like other right, left and center groups except in the content of its platform. It is natural, therefore, that it experiences, like any other group, many internal developments and internal interactions that could sometimes take the form of multi-level disputes. Secondly, when analyzing Muslim Brotherhood internal developments and interactions we should pay attention to the influence of the surrounding Egyptian (local), regional or international contexts, which should not be seen from their current perspective. Rather, their previous historical developments that led to their current formation should also be taken into account (2).

Regarding the selection of a new General Guide after the demise of the Muslim Brotherhood fifth General Guide Mustafa Mashour, the then (late) deputy General Guide Ma'moun Al-Hudhaibi, a former counselor, decided at the time to put into force the Muslim Brotherhood executive regulation that provides for the deputy General Guide undertaking responsibilities of the General Guide in case of chronic disease or senility that leads to loss of memory and in both cases the group shall limit his competence and another General Guide shall be nominated (3). However, this decision and the start of selecting another General Guide aroused what the Egyptian media called "covert boiling over among Muslim Brotherhood ranks". The media pointed out that some Muslim Brotherhood members viewed that Al-Hudhaibi would fragmentize the group's future because he was a personality that did not accept the others' opinions, and that was apparent in his dealing with Center Party group and his stance on the group's south Cairo bureau members on top of whom was Ahmed Abul-Fotouh after the first discussion with Al-Hudhaibi, which stimulated them to render their resignations. However, the same media quoted some other Muslim Brotherhood sources giving explanations to the state of despotism practiced by Al-Hudhaibi on the ground that it was the outcome of some reasons, which were all in his favor, including police clampdowns, the group's being keen on maintaining stability and avoiding schisms, especially in light of the emergence of a young Muslim Brotherhood generation (Renovation Trend) calling for ideological reconsiderations (4). Other Egyptian media viewed the conflict over the General Guide post might shake the group up and that it unearthed disputes that had already been existing for a long time and that conflict over the General Guide post was new. According to such Egyptian media, Al-Hudhaibi's control over the group and the so waning competence of the late General Guide during his life that his deputy (as the official spokesman for the group) used to issue statements by his name, which were the most outstanding reasons for such disputes (5).

Regardless of the media assessments, objective studies see that the roots of the conflict within the Muslim Brotherhood group dates back to what some called "inter-generation contradiction" between the first generation (represented in the General Guide, the Guidance Bureau and the Muslim Brotherhood Shura Council) which has the historical legitimacy and controls the group on the one hand and the second generation who has the 'real legitimacy on the ground', as this generation's experience started in the Egyptian universities during the second half of 1970s when they formed a big student political movement opposing late president Sadat's policies, especially foreign policies. This contradiction between the 'legitimacy' of two generations was not strange in Egyptian political context. Rather, the most outstanding inter-generation contradiction within the Muslim Brotherhood as well as other political groups lies in the fact that such contradiction is not associated with contradictory political and social views, i.e. between the 'radical' views of the young and the 'conservative' views of the old generations, which is the most influential difference within the Muslim Brotherhood. Although the two generations belong to the urban and rural Egyptian middle class categories, they are locked in wide differences regarding their relationship with the state and other Egyptian political forces and the outside world (6).

Not only have the previous reasons fueled conflict within the Muslim Brotherhood group following the death of their General Guide, but also the increasing crystallized feelings of rejection among the younger generations regarding the method of selecting a new guide were added to the situation, as the oldest member in the Guidance Bureau is nominated to the General Guide post. The young generations seemed to be reluctant to this nomination method and insisted on election as a base for choosing a new guide, especially after the 'graveyard pledge of allegiance', a famous event when late General Guide Mustafa Mashour was given the pledge of allegiance and chosen General Guide while his predecessor Hamed Abul-Nasr was being buried, as all attendances of the burial ceremony were surprised to see Ma'moun Al-Hudhaibi carrying the 'allegiance banner' for Sheikh Mashour. At this moment, the young generation started to suggest that there should be a real mechanism for nominating key figures for any vacant leading post within the group and laying down more collective bases regarding any decision that has to do with this issue instead of the 'pledge of allegiance', which could make the Muslim Brotherhood lose its credibility.

Although there were many indicators of some difference within the group over the issue of nominating the new General Guide after the death of Mashour, some leading figures, especially the new guide at the time late counselor Ma'moun Al-Hudhaibi, categorically denied any conflicts or differences inside the Muslim Brotherhood whether over that issue or any other internal or external issues and that all circulated reports regarding that issue were completely divorced from reality. According to Al-Hudhaibi's view, the succession of the late General Guide was carried out within a group looked upon as one of the biggest Islamic groups in the Muslim world and that it is unreasonable to leave it without executive regulations controlling the movement. "Any abrupt emptiness should be filled in through an organizational regular method," Al-Hudhaibi argued. Regarding the so-called 'graveyard pledge of allegiance', Al-Hudhaibi emphasized that it was completely contrary to what its critics allege, as there was a previous agreement within the group and regulation procedures were taken to select Hamed Abul-Nasr's successor; what took place at the graveyard was just a kind of publicity. This means that what happened in public gave the impression that the 'allegiance' was just a spur-of-the-moment decision, while it was in fact preceded by a process of preparation and selection according to the regulations that control the group's actions. Al-Hudhaibi also denied any conflicting trends or differences of opinions and views within the group. Sometimes we have more than one opinion, he said, indicating that this does not necessarily mean there are any differences (7).

In light of such circumstances and internal and external argumentations, the Muslim Brotherhood decided on their new General Guide. Members of the Guidance Bureau reached a solution whereby all Muslim Brotherhood Shura Council members are allowed to select the General Guide without making the council vulnerable to the threat of arrest while convening, as it is still an outlawed group in Egypt. Sources close to the Ikhwan pointed out that by the end of third week of October 2002 the Guidance Bureau members unanimously agreed upon forming a committee to be assigned the task of meeting the Ikhwan Shura Council in small groups or individually to avoid being entrapped by the security forces, the mistake they committed in 1995 when the security forces arrested 28 Ikhwan cadres on a charge of attending an (Ikhwan) Shura Council metting. Members of the Shura Council who were met by the committee agreed on nominating counselor Mohamed Al-Ma'moun Al-Hudhaibi as a General Guide. The sources added that regarding the selection of the General Guide deputies and the Ikhwan spokesman, as per the executive regulation, the General Guide shall choose them, as he shall choose his aides (8). The selection of Al-Hudhaibi (83 years old) for the General Guide post, while he had been Deputy General Guide since 1996, led to the continuation of the old guards steering the wheel. However, contrary to the denial of any disagreement or conflict over the nomination of a new General Guide by the old guards including Al-Hudhaibi himself, facts and reality confirm the existence of disagreements and conflict inside the Ikhwan, especially after the absence of a large number of historic leaderships, due to being old, and the emergence of Ikhwan youth.

Such a reality was emphasized following the death of General Guide Ma'moun Al-Hudhaibi on 8/1/2004 when he was succeeded by Mohamed Mahdi Akef on 14/1/2004. This, nevertheless, confirmed the continuous contribution of the old guards (Akef was born on 12/7/1928, the year of the creation of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt).

However, the death of the Ikhwan General Guide, the selection of a new one, and controversy over such issues may probably raise significant questions: Are the Ikhwans locked in a leadership crisis? Was it the selection of a new General Guide that gave rise to such a whirlwind of conflicts and disagreements within the group? Actually, the leadership issue has been the main concern of Ikhwans throughout the past decades and is considered the weakest point in the movement's structure and performance. Many experts concerned with the movement's course of action believe that the movement suffers from serious leadership structure problems, vigorously impacting on their present and future. Most Ikhwan regional groups were founded centralized around the founder/leader of the Ikhwan founder and then there were - after his death - two options before them: adhering to his stiff-frozen ways and views regardless of the changed circumstances and conditions or falling to pieces. This is natural; any single person-led organization would inevitably suffer from this problem after the absence (death) of such a person. An experienced researcher observed this interruption of Ikhwans' activities after the assassination of the movement's founder Hassan Al-Banna, as the movement remained without leadership from 12/2/1949 (the date of the assassination of Al-Banna) to 19/10/1951 (when Hassan Al-Hudhaibi assumed leadership), i.e. the Ikhwan remained without leadership for about three years (9). Another researcher on the Ikhwan movement also monitored this phenomenon and pointed out the relationship between the word rushd and the person murshid (guide) within the Ikhwan, which was based in the beginning on the skills of individuals and not a specific system of the organization (10).

To fathom the dimensions of the Ikhwan leadership dilemma we will cast a glance at two significant documents that framed the organizational and leadership structures of the Ikhwan for a long time and most of their provisions are still valid. The first document is "the Articles of Association of the Muslim Brotherhood" in Egypt, issued by its general assembly 8/9/1945 (modified on 3/1/1948) and "the Public Order of the Muslim Brotherhood' issued on 29/7/1982, which is the constitution of the Ikhwan's international organization (11). Those two documents reveal a serious defect in the leadership structure of the Ikhwan in Egypt, as the leadership legitimacy principle is violated from the very beginning. This principle stipulates that the movement's members have the final say in choosing its leaders. However, the role of the constituent assembly of the Ikhwan in Egypt in establishing the movement denies this fact. Article (34) of the Articles of Association provided that the constituent assembly is considered "the general Shura Council of the Muslim Brotherhood and the general assembly of the Guidance Bureau", the highest executive authority in the movement. Article (19) of the movement's constitution also stipulated that the general guide and the elected members of the Guidance Bureau shall be members of the same constituent body.

The strange thing is that neither the constitution nor the by-law referred to any kind of election or election renewal within the constituent body. Article (33) of the Articles of Association only mentions that the constituent body consists of the Ikhwans who took the lead and exerted efforts to promulgate this da'wah (call). Who does decide on those? What is the criterion of selection? Thus, the text did not mention the source of leadership legitimacy of the highest constitutional body in the movement. The reason for this is that founder sheikh Hassan Al-Banna chose by himself members of the constituent body (12). Article (11) of the Public Order granted the Ikhwan Shura Council the competence of electing the general guide. The constituent body was granted such competence by the Articles of Association before. The problem always lied in: Who shall elect the elected? This means disregarding the general rules of selecting leaders whether on their own behalf or on behalf of others, and monopolizing this right by a clique of them only for their historical record and seniority (13).

Article (17) of the Articles of Association also stipulates: "the General Guide shall undertake his task as long as he lives, unless otherwise emerges a reason for his giving up. This is also mentioned in the Public Order, Article (13), which stipulates that the General Guide "shall maintain his post so long as he is qualified for that", a phrase that is more diplomatic than the previous one after a great deal of heated controversy, but it does not add anything from the legal point of view, as it practically means that the General Guide shall remain in his post till his dying day. Although the Public Order, Articles (22) and (30), limits the term in office of both the Guidance Bureau and the Shura Council to four years of the Hegira calendar, it does not however define a term in office for the General Guide, as if the continuation of a certain person is more important than the continuation of establishments (14). Furthermore, the powers of the General Guide are almost countless: he is the head of the body, the Guidance Bureau, and the constituent body according to Article (10) of the Articles of Association. Moreover, he is entitled to annul decrees of the Investigation and Retribution Committee, and suspend members of the constituent body pursuant to Articles (37) and (39) respectively.

Regarding the conditions of selecting an Ikhwan General Guide, Article (13) of the Public Order set three conditions – other than the condition of being 'Egyptian' or 'the new Quraishite' (belonging to ancient Mecca's main tribe of Quraish) as some call it – for the eligible candidate for the international organization general guide's post: he should not be less than 40 years of the Hegira calendar, spending not less than 15 years of the Hegira calendar as an 'active brother', and should be qualified in terms of knowledge – especially the Shari'a (Islamic law) – and the practical and moral qualifications that qualify him for leading the group (15). This reveals that the Ikhwan gave priority to seniority over leadership efficiency, which characterized the movement with obvious internal inflexibility and intransigence after the death of the founding imam and seniority of the leading generation. This is, however, inevitable in every organization disregarding legitimacy and internal flexibility in its structure.

In this regard, Farid Abdel-Khaliq – a leading Muslim Brotherhood figure and a disciple of Hassan Al-Banna and was also a member of the constituent body and Guidance Bureau, but he abandoned the movement since Omar Al-Telmisani stepped into leadership in 1976 – see that inter-Ikhwan practices (internal affairs) should be tackled in more freedom and democracy than ever. Among the ideas he adopted, he adds, is that the General Guide may only remain in his post for only two 6-year terms in office. Abdel-Khaliq gives an ideological explanation of the Ikhwan leadership crisis, as he attributes it to mixing the 'reasons for formation' and the 'reasons for continuation' within the movement, i.e. Hassan Al-Banna was more in need of who might appreciate his efforts and depend on them more than who might sanctify and stop at him. However, the former trend prevailed among the Ikhwan (in Egypt) as well as other Islamists in different countries. "If we suppose that Al-Banna's efforts were faultless without any shortcomings, much of what fit his time does not necessarily fit the following eras, because he belonged to the movement's formation, rather than continuation phase," Abdel-Khaliq argues (16). It is to be noted here that the succession of late General Guide Mustafa Mashhour was an occasion for some Ikhwan key figures to talk about procedural changes in choosing the General Guide, although none of such changes has not been ever published in any Ikhwan official document so far. Among the significant ideas under discussion is limited the General Guide's term in office to indefinite renewable 6-year terms. Although this development does not include a change in the leadership structure of the Ikhwan, it may, in case it is put into force, limit even cosmetically and theoretically the principle of the movement's General Guide maintaining his post lifelong without the need to be re-elected.

Secondly: The Renovation Trend and the Muslim Brotherhood Movement

Since late 1980s and early 1990s, the contemporary Islamic movement in general has been witnessing a large-scale internal critical reconsiderations, deep contemplations, criticism, and self-criticism in an almost comprehensive way including methods, strategies, concepts and ideas. It – the Islamic movement – seems as if it is looking forward to a fresh formulation to its movement structure and its Islamic civilization political project in a way that could get it out of the Islamic movement's traditional crisis and inflexible conventional Islamic thought. However, the Islamic movement, like any social political phenomenon, is currently undergoing some difficulties and challenges that face its change reform political project. Such main challenges stem from three interacting levels:

First Level: International and Regional Environment's Challenges, Including:

1- The American and Western hegemony challenge: This challenge has become so evident that most researchers agree that many facets of the Arab and Islamic countries' strategic decisions are defined by the United States in most crucial issues (the Arab-Israeli conflict is an example in this respect). The Islamic movement's file and how to deal with it is considered one of main files that set the agenda of most regimes with regard to the relationship with the United States, which considers it in general one of the strongest threats to the American hegemony and interests in the region. The question can therefore be: Does the Islamic movement have a vision for how to deal with such a challenge, which is no more external in most countries and has even become a main component of most internal policies toward the movement?

2- Settlement with the Hebrew state challenge: Israel has a stable strategic vision for dealing with the region's issues. It also realizes unequivocally that one of its main enemies is the Islamic grassroots movement. Reviewing Sharm El-Sheikh resolutions and what was written by former Israeli foreign minister Shimon Peres, one can find this clearly, as Peres considers the Islamic movement, termed by him as 'terrorist' and 'fundamentalist', as the "common enemy" of both Israel and the ruling regimes in the region. Some practices of the Palestinian Authority with Hamas and Jihad movements through the so-called security coordination with Israeli bodies can be taken as a clear example in this regard.

3- Regimes-Islamic movement relationship challenge: Most of the political ruling regimes consider the Islamic movement their opposite and archrival at the present time. That's why its social and political presence ranges between 'outlawing' and 'calculated allowing'. Security is often the main tool of dealing with it, including arrest, detention, aborting its activities, and paralyzing efficiency (17).

Second Level: Challenges of the Islamic Movement's Societal Context, including:

1- Popularity of the Islamic movement: No real conviction can be proved so far at different Islamic and Arab countries' public opinion sectors that what the Islamic movement is providing is the demanded alternative of the reform and change requirements. Indicators available in this regard (results of different level elections) pinpoint that the Islamic movement takes 20-25% of the sympathy of such countries' societies at best. Anyway, reform or change can not be carried out only through sympathy, so to what extent has the Islamic movement studied its popularity at present? Is it the real popular, or rather the most organizational and discipline force? These are some questions that need definite answers.

2- The leading role in the society: The Islamic movement has presented itself as the leader of reform and change in its societies, based on public slogans. The phenomenon has been crystallizing for the last two decades during which the Islamic movement tried this, even partially, via different degrees of participation, but it failed to present real examples for the desired reform and change. Even the cases presented as examples of success achieved by the Islamic movement at the state level, such Afghanistan, Sudan (in its early stages) and Iran, the current disagreements, conflicts and reconsiderations they are undergoing are so evident. As for the Islamic movement participating in political action, the achievement it has made at the reform and change level is still weak.

Third Level: Challenges from within the Islamic Movement itself, including:

1- "Vision and Project": The Islamic movement needs a clear-cut methodological vision to deal with ruling political authority and the ruled society as well as a political reform or change project. Therefore, there should be differentiation between an integrated political project on the one hand and the electoral platforms promoted by the movement in most countries where it practiced political and syndicate action on the other hand. Therefore, the movement should confess that it has not presented an integrated political reform and change project at the national as well as international levels. This does not, however, mean that there are general ideas about the political vision, most of which are stemmed from the heritage of the movement, but need reconsideration. In a nutshell, the Islamic movement in general has not laid down a clear political reform and change project that can respond to the challenges it is facing at present (18).

2- Leadership: Most of the Islamic movement leaderships belong to the founding generation. This leadership has not been yet passed down to other generations so that the movement as an establishment and rotation of leadership could not be tested. Most of such leaderships also reached their posts through equivocal undemocratic methods. Therefore, there are many questions regarding the shift from the type of 'leadership' to 'presidency' and from legitimacy based on 'historical experience' to the legitimacy associated with the 'actual achievement' and commitment to the building of real democratic establishments.

3- Contradictory visions regarding targets and methods of reform and change: The phenomenon of generations is natural and well-known by almost all human communities, including of course Islamic movements as a societal trend. However, the crisis here has nothing to do with the existence or absence of generations but rather with the nature of relationship among such generations. It is not just an inter-generation crisis, i.e. a conflict over leadership, but the problem is that such generations pose dangers to the future of the movement. This is mainly represented in the different, contradictory and unharmonious visions regarding reform, change, the movement's relationship with the state and society, etc (19).

In light of such challenges that face not only the Brotherhood but also the Islamic movement in general, emerged some renovation attempts to upgrade the Islamic thought and action and formulate a fresh renovation methodology that is more of relativity than absoluteness, more of realism than idealism, and more of moderation than extremism. About this methodology, Hassan Al-Turabi, one of those who suggested and formulated it, says, while talking about the Islamic movement in Sudan, "After probing into absoluteness, abstractionism, generalization and globalizations in the movement's call and thought, it shifted into realism. The steady development of the functions of the movement toward coherence with the society developed its own concerns to the society's concerns" (20). In Egypt also there was an attempt to crystallize and formulate a visualization of the Islamic action, as about one hundred and fifty cultured Islamists convened under the title "Toward a New Islamic Trend". Some of the conclusions of such visualization talked, inter alia, about "many advocates of Islam and its principles, values, systems and culture talk in generalization and vagueness about 'the Islamic solution', the God's method against the human's, the need to Islamizing life, knowledge and sciences, but they failed to talk about the elements of such method or the components of such solution and means of implementation" (21).

It can be said that most Islamic movements' internal reconsiderations of their actions, schemes and strategies came in two main stages. The first took place in the early 1980's when there was a large-scale Islamic renaissance in different Arab countries. The internal assessment at that stage was meant to keep abreast of the Islamic renaissance through intensifying the tempo of action and shifting from the stage of da'wa (call to Islam) and indoctrination into the political stage. The second stage took place late 1980's and early 1990's when some Islamic movements discovered that their political and strategic calculations had not been accurate during the previous stage, as harm was getting more aggravated and they were shocked more than once while they were unready, a situation that led to profound schism inside Islamic movements. Assessment at that stage was focused on how to reconsider all that. The reconsiderations consequently led many Islamic movements to experience self variables and shifts. This was in the political side.

As for the ideological side, in the second half of the 1980's, there was a remarkable development in the critical studies and researches of the Islamic movement, which was almost absent or rare, as writings that had to do with the Islamic movements concentrated in general on appreciating such movements rather than criticizing or rationalizing (22). Among such critical studies from within the Islamic movement were fi an-naqd az-zati: darurat an-naqd az-zati lil-harakah al-islamiah (On the Self Criticism: the Necessity of Self Criticism by the Islamic Movement) by Khalis Al-Gabali (1985); al-sahwah al-islamiah baina al-gumud wa at-tataruf (The Islamic Renaissance between Inflexibility and Extremism) by Yusuf Al-Qaradawi (1982); azmat al-wa‘i ad-dini (The Crisis of Religious Awareness) by Fahmi Huwaidi (1988); al-harakah al-islamiah fi ad-dawamah: hiwar hawla fikr Sayed Qutb (The Islamic Movement in a Whirlpool: Dialogue on Sayed Qutb's Thought) by Salaheddin Al-Gurshi (1985); al-harakah al-islamiah: ru’yah mustaqbaliah - awraq fi an-naqd az-zati (The Islamic Movement: Future Vision - Papers in Self Criticism) edited and introduced by Abdullah Al-Nafisi (1989), and most of late Muhammad Al-Ghazali's works such as as-sunnah an-nabawiyah baina ahlul-fiqh wa ahlul-hadith (The Prophet's Traditions between Men of Fiqh and Men of Traditions) (1990) and turathuna al-fikri baina mizan ash-shar‘ wa mizan al-‘aql (Our Ideological Heritage between Shari'a and Reason), in addition to some significant symposiums such as 'The National-Religious Dialogue' (23). This made a prominent intellectual event that increased vividness of change and shift, such as the opening up of some political movements into Islamic trends and getting closer to each other to the extent of cooperation and coordination. Some political regimes also got closer to Islamic movements, not to mention the major global developments that changed the standards and methods of thinking in general.

As for the Muslim Brotherhood from within and despite all the aforementioned challenges and renovation attempts experienced by the movement over three quarters of a century on the political or ideological arenas, such attempts have not reached, according to the majority of observers and a reasonable percentage of some of its members, the stage of comprehensive and radical renovation of the movement's thought and method of action. Some analysts attribute the Brotherhood's failure – or rather inability – to radically and comprehensively reconsider its ideas and methods of action to the surrounding unnatural circumstances, such as detention without charge or practicing activities without permission and other difficulties. Historically, the Muslim Brotherhood started its serious reconsiderations by Sayed Qutb, who had a great influence over the last decade, for concentration on the Islamic creed issue and almost complete negligence of democracy and public liberties. Qutb mainly focused on exclusion, jahiliyah [the pre-Islamic era, but here means jahiliyah-like practices and ideas], discrimination and preferences. It was thus natural to develop a movement that clashes and gets isolated from the society rather than develops it. The Brotherhood tried to square up to such ideas, so they issued du‘ah la qudah (Preachers not Judges), a book written by their second General Guide counselor Hassan Al-Hudhaibi. In this book they distinctively differentiated between their ideas and Qutb's, which mostly belonged to the Muslim Brotherhood ideology and which formed the modern Islamic jihad thought school. During the 1980's and 1990's, the Brotherhood experienced renovation attempts, especially among the middle-age ranks, focused on democracy, the ruling system, the relationship with other political forces, the status of Copts in the society and state, and the women status.

The movement has been always witnessing personalities calling for renovation and reconsideration, crystallizing sometimes in the form of 'wings' inside the movement, which can be observed inside it at present. In general, the main demands of the internal renovation wings have been revolving around the axes that emphasizing the traditional historical stances of the Muslim Brotherhood, especially the fact that it is a group of Muslims not the Muslim group, the necessity of internal dialogue channels, controlling relationship with the authorities, and the administrative and leadership mechanisms. In the current stage, it is observed that although such ideas are not primarily objected by Brotherhood members, it seems that the movement's traditional concerns in light of its distressed experiments on the one hand and the adopted ways of calling for renovation and reform on the other hand widened the gap between the two sides so much so that growing disagreements over some issues have become seriously imminent in a way that threatens the group's internal unity and cohesion.

Among the renovation initiatives that have been recently put up inside the group was an initiative made by Prof. Essam Al-Eryan, a prominent middle-age key figure and former MP, to the effect that the group has to conduct a reconsideration after the September 11 incidents. He suggests that this can be implemented through the following four reconsideration frameworks:

Educationally: The group needs, according to him, not to prioritize the organizational side over the da‘wa side due to security pressure, and recognize, get prepared for understanding and respecting difference with the other with all its diversities. Al-Eryan ascribes the reason for such reconsideration to that fact that the educational methods inside the group do not date back to the eras of freedom, namely the 1930's and 1940's, but rather the eras of distress on the Ikhwan, which created a special visualization about the other. That is why such educational methods regard the other as the one who wants to crush them and exterminate their existence.

At the da‘wa level: The Ikhwan key figure sees that the group needs a more tolerant internal discourse, criticizing what he considers a blight cast on the group by the prevailing the Salafi thought during the 1970's and 1980's. It was the blight of extremism and preferring hard-line opinions in fiqh issues. Therefore, the da‘wa discourse of the Ikhwan, according to Al-Eryan, needs much tolerance.

Politically: Al-Eryan believes that it is high time to develop the Ikhwan platform and plans of action for reconciliation with the ruling regime and participating with the political forces, which is a basic condition for reform, which could not be achieved without a sort of calm relationship with the ruling regimes. Regarding the ways and means of reconciliation with the ruling regime in Egypt, he sees that such ways and means are available for deep discussion. This includes, for example, calling on the Egyptian ruling regime to discuss the Moroccan experiment (after he had announced in the early 1990's his rejection of repeating the Algerian experiment in Egypt), which enjoys political stability and could absorb the Islamic trend and neutralize other trends that reject the ongoing situation such as Al-Adl wa Al-Ihsan (Justice and Charity) group, with full recognition of Egypt's peculiarities.

Socially: Al-Eryan believes that the Ikhwan should pay much attention to the social problems that have been prevailing in and pose a threat to the society so as to offer the remedy, as he views that it is unreasonable that the group wins political gains at a deteriorating society. Therefore, they should pay heed to different moral and social problems, including addiction and extremism. The Ikhwan, according to him, despite the pressures they are undergoing should honestly exert efforts to remedy such problems and offer practical solutions to them (24).

At the same time, another renovation initiative was made by middle-age key figure Mukhtar Noah, former Bar Association treasurer and former Ikhwan MP. He made his initiative following a prison 3-year sentence. The initiative aims at – according to his remarks to islamonline – purifying climates between the Egyptian regime and the Ikhwan and defusing the tension between them (25). The Ikhwan-state crisis lies, Noah says, in the existence of 'fake messages' between the two parties. The government has a message to the effect that the Ikhwan are 'power seekers' and want to come to power by any means and that they are preparing themselves as alternative to the ruling regime, while the message delivers a meaning to the Brotherhood that the ruling regime is seeking to exterminate them completely. Noah views that both messages are incorrect. Neither the government wants to exterminate the Ikhwan nor the Ikhwan want to come to power or prepare themselves to be the alternative. Those messages are delivered by many ways, some of which are unintentional but full of mistakes and some others are intentional and come from inside security agencies, as there are many who do not want to see the crisis solved or the file closed and they therefore play a role in adding fuel to the fire, he points out.

In order to overcome such 'fake messages', Noah suggests an initiative of four main items:

Firstly: Providing a period of tranquility allowing the absorption of the new international variables and developments, as he sees that over the last years the Ikhwan have not been given the opportunity to catch their breath and think calmly. All the procedures taken by the state against them are frustrating and make them feel that the state is seeking to uprooting them, which confirm the 'fake messages' delivered to them.

Secondly: Removing the 'infectious' factors and paving the way for a new contract between the state and the group.

Thirdly: The careful selection of the 'messenger' and the 'message' between the two parties.

Fourthly: The two parties should also be convinced that procedural mistakes were committed, as any political action should in one way or another include mistakes. Recognition of such mistakes would be the first step toward resolving them.

Noah called on the Ikhwan to understand the post-September 11 developments, which imposed good pressure on the Egyptian regime in a way that leads to a harmony between the requirements of both the Ikhwan and the state. It is unreasonable, he opines, that some call for Western democracy without preparing the public atmosphere for that. The Egyptian political reality allows a good margin for movement whether for individuals or groups provided that there should be national concord between state on the one hand and the political forces on the other, he said. This concord, he says, is the most important form among the three allowed legal forms in political action in Egypt, which are organized by corporate, societies and parties laws. This fourth form, i.e. concord, is the framework through which the group have moved for the 1970's and 1980's eras. He highlights the necessity of not concentrating on the legal framework or license regarding the state-Ikhwan relationship, as all legal forms can be overthrown once the states gives the green light to the action. Rather, the focus should be on the fact that there should be a healthy reconciliation atmosphere between the two parties. Reconciliation without a legal form secures continuity of the group, but the existence of a legal form without reconciliation nothing could be secured, he indicates. He also rejects the demand of some Ikhwan members that their action should be confined to the da‘wa not extends to the political action, as there should be something common between da‘wa action and the political action, because the latter calls for a notion that may contradicts the others' aspirations, which is the core of political action. However, this should not reach the extent of intimidating the da‘wa action by the political action, thus 'scaring' the others, he points out (26).

Noah's initiative was received by negative reactions and reservations on the part of the Ikhwan leaderships. On his first comment on the initiative, late General Guide Mustafa Mashhour said, as reported by islamonline, that he did not meet Noah since he had released from prison on 8/10/2002 after serving a 3-year sentence on a charge of penetrating professional syndicates. Mashhour added that he had not got familiarized with the initiative, inquiring about the reality of Noah's remark that some statesmen had agreed to open contact channels with the Ikhwan although they called more than one occasion for opening a contact channel with the government but his demand was turned down. Mashhour also cast doubt on the government's enthusiasm for conducting dialogue with the group, saying, "The government only applies the policy of detention and court-martials with the Ikhwan." However, Mashhour declined to disclose how the group would deal with the initiative in case it is serious, emphasizing, "This primarily depends on the ability and position of such people to whom Noah had talked and to what extent could the initiative bear fruit for the interest of the group. At this point, we can accept or reject the initiative, but now we can't talk about a hazy thing" (27).

Prof. Abdel-Men'em Abu Al-Fotouh, one of Mediate Generation and member of Guide Office, asserted that the Guide Office knew nothing about such an initiative. He also objected the initiative originally because it was produced by Security authorities, something contradictory to the nature of Ikhwan activity which had nothing to do with security. On the other hand, reconciliation and initiatives can be accepted between security authorities and the Islamic group which used force to deter the government, whereas the Ikhwan movement is merely a political supporting entity based on constitutional grounds permitting formulation of parties complying with social values and targeting power via legal means. In this regard, Abu Al Fotouh refused the notion of "False messages", which Nouh had used to explain the government-Ikhwan crisis and to be a basis to his so-called initiative, denying that stable, powerful Egyptian governance is a victim of false messages. Moreover, Abu Al Fotouh said the Ikhwan Movement turned down "satisfaction" via governmental grants or gifts shedding light on the Ikhwan claim to constitutional rights properly and legally practiced. Talks of reconciliation and satisfaction are completely unaccepted. However, Abu Al Fotouh emphasized that the movement could never pass over the home interests. The Ikhwan Movement could, according to him, postpone the search for its own interests and claims under solidarity of all parties in the face of the risks increasing around the region, Egypt, of course, in particular.

Thus it can be referred through the previous outlook to two significant issues coming into light within these Reconsiderations led by the "renovation trend". The two issues were highlighted by of the scholars specialized in Islamic movements study. The first issue is the hypersensitivity of Ikhwan leaders towards "Reconsideration" idea which was clear in the talks of the General Guide and the movement "Mediate Generation". All the movement figures were careful to assert that "Reconsideration" is to be adopted with the Islamic group adopting violence as the only means to change society. On the contrary, the Muslim Ikhwan Movement, according to them, had nothing to do with violence, thus Reconsiderations are needed!? In fact, such hypersensitivity is groundless for Reconsideration of political, religious and social movements is steady vital prerequisite for the movement continuity. Reconsideration is a legal, human and logical necessity for improvement, goal determination and approach development (29). The second issue related to Reconsideration made by renovation trend is warning against "Self-criticism" on the claim that the movement is always a prey to prejudice, suppression and crisis. This criticism can, eventually, lead to deterioration and pave the way for ordeal. Such a reason is merely an excuse for the movement's inability to do with self-criticism supporting the social movement. A social movement having fears of renovation and self-criticism is unqualified for correct development. Thus, it is necessary that Ikhwan Movement, with such a history deep-rooted in the modern Arab and Islamic revival, avoid opposition with such renovation, Reconsideration and self-criticism. Whereas the armed groups began to reconsider violence and force approach, peaceful Islamic groups, led by the Ikhwan Movement, will, more or less and on different levels, be prone to development and change (30).

The history of Muslim Ikhwan Movement reflects its new ideas in the form of documents and data directed to the nation since the Mid-1990s. The following are the most important changes and turns within the Muslim Movement group throughout the last few years:

Instance towards the Other: After independence and the establishment of state system in the Arab World, discord and conflicts spread over the Islamic trend and the other intellectual political trends. To make it worse, mistrust controlled the two parties' relationships for a long time period. Describing Islamic trend and national trend as an example, Tarek Al Beshri said: "The relationship between the two parties throughout the last few decades is based on exclusion, not understanding with military argumentation other than debating one." (31) On the Ikhwan's instance towards the other, including Christians, different parties and operating Islamic groups, Prof. Essam Al Erian revealed, "In this regard, Ikhwan have an old clear-cut instance based on religious and political choices, it is the general acceptance of the other, and i.e. "we (the Ikhwan) accept to deal with others irrespective of difference in beliefs and religion". As for the religion difference, the Ikhwan believes that the matter is indebatable for no one is enforced to embrace Islam; Muslims and non-Muslims have the very rights and duties. On the other hand, political acceptance relied on other grounds. According to Al Erian, the movement had no objections to other political parties. Ikhwan, conversely, accepted multi-political parties within the Muslim Community. They also support the dominance of constitution and judgment to deter who opposes constitution or laws. The movement had previously coordinated with the remaining political parties, such as Al Wafd, Al Ahrar and Labor Party, which share the same instance towards undertaking or boycotting elections to adopt coordinated political instances as the situation requires. As regards to acceptance of the Other in Islamic work, the Ikhwan leader asserted that Ikhwan was of the opinion that no agreement can be reached on disputable religious sub-issues. Thus the movement has no problem with different points of view. The Movement adheres to the old slogan declared by its founder, Hassan Al Bana, "Within the Islamic field, we are on good terms with the others. Our relationships are dominated by love, brotherhood and loyalty in search for understanding, consultation, coordination and cooperation with all operating in the Islamic arena." (32)

Power rotation: as for the issue of power rotation and the well-known and central question: What if the Brotherhood Movement assumes power, will it permit parties of different ideology and orientation to take part in? Al Erian said that all Islamic trends were of the opinion that basis of power assumption is popular acceptance reflected via general elections. Thus all trends and parties adherent to constitution and law can assume power with no little trouble. In this regard, Al Erian called to reconsider and employ the Western innovation of power assumption in order to prevent the old and modern conflicts in search for power. As for the issue of allowing the existence of a communist party, Al-Erian declared that the group is committed to an old rule which states that people should not be condemned for the ideas inside their heads, thus, the group is expecting every political group to announce its ideas, ideologies and programs in written documents. The Ikhwani leader did not express, within this context, a clear acceptance of such a party, but he newly asserted the necessity that all parties should respect the constitution provision stipulating that the Islamic Sharia is the main source for legislation, considering that the commitment of all parties to the constitution in full and to law is the condition of forming and continuance of the Egyptian parties, and the entity which is entitled to render a judgment in that respect is only the judiciary.(33)

Attitude toward Democracy: observers of the contemporary Islamic address and the movement of its cultural productivity observe that there are new readings that qualitatively vary from previous readings of some certain debatable issues with Islamic thought, such as the issue of democracy. Within this context it is observed that the new Islamic readings witness a sort of transformation from "the absolute" to "the relative" when considering the issue of "democracy"; from being a social and philosophical approach that differs the content of Islamic thought to being comprised of desired and preferable gains, and simultaneously is not in conflict with the purposes of Islamic legislation. According to the Muslim Brotherhood thought democracy means the peaceful coexistence among the various groups, the separation between the three powers in the state, peaceful power rotation, Shura, election and granting the people the right to express themselves, as well as applying the majority principle, provided that it does not conflict with any of the basics of Islamic Sharia. Since the beginning of the 90s of the former century the issue of democracy has been a subject of debate through an increasing and intensive tone within the contemporary Islamic speech, through various sorts of historical, philosophical, political and linguistic understanding and analysis uncovering the transformation of the political viewpoint and a change in the political intellectual theory.⁽³⁴⁾ Some aspects of democracy are evident in the Muslim Brotherhood group while formulating its political project, giving priorities to freedoms and human rights and political participation, as well as the formulation of its internal structure administratively and organizationally according to the methods of Shura and democracy through enlarging the circle of participation by expressing one's own vote, and the formulation of the political and organizational attitude and decision, the approval of nomination and election system, and applying the principle of majority of votes. (35)

As a more advanced step toward crystallization of the group attitude to democracy as well as power rotation, and within the context of reform process in the Arab world and especially in Egypt, the group announced in March 2004 its reform initiative comprised 18 articles including the acknowledgement of the people as the source of power without any sort of domination by any individual, political party or group, respecting the principle of power rotation, confirming the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, the freedom to form political parties without any intervention by the administrative authorities, freedom of mass meetings, peaceful demonstrations, impartiality of election, cancellation of the army political role, the confirmation of the civil nature of the police departments, and security entities, determination of the tasks of all these authorities, obviously and in the light of the constitution provisions, limitation of the president's powers, the separation of the presidency of the state and the presidency of the political parties, cancellation of ill-reputed laws, the release of political detainees, cancellation of laws blocking the activities of the professional and vocational syndicates. The content of this imitative shows the assertion of the Muslim Brotherhood on common targets included in the claims and reform priorities of the most of the political powers along with its assertion on some elements of special symbolic importance to the Muslim Brotherhood, especially the assertion on the freedom to form political parties and neutralization of security bodies.

The transformation to a political party: according to the aforementioned in relation to acceptance of the Muslim Brotherhood of the theory of political pluralism, consequently, the possibility of participation for the political groups and the state political institutions, voices are arising within the group which wish and claim the right to form a legitimate political party under its name. Although this movement constitutes the overwhelming majority of the group's members, the group has not yet internally decide whether a party formation shall mean the end of the group and its dissolution inside the party, or it shall continue side by side with this party ? In fact, the obvious and continuous rejection of the Egyptian government to allow the Brotherhood to form a legitimate and political party released the group from a serious internal discussion on the future of the group in case the government approves the formation of a party of the Muslim Brotherhood, so that this issue was silenced inside the group and only generally mentioned. But initial indicators make clear that the dominant viewpoint among the members of the middle generation is calling for striving toward a final decision in relation to the concept of the Brotherhood organizational "identity" through a full transformation toward the institutional political work and the formation of a party that constitutes a complete alternative to the group and replacing it.

With all this internal vagueness on the impact of a party on the group's destination, the voices of many members and leaders of the group rise from time to time in political and press forums asking for allowing the Brotherhood to form a political party, criticizing the government for its rejection to grant the group this right. Some leaders of the group think that there are several reasons for this governmental rejection, some are general, due to the fact that the political system lacks a true political will allowing for the formation of genuine political parties, which is evident in the parties law that imposes obstacles and barriers on the formation of new parties, and others are related to an obvious commanding decision preventing the existence of any political party adopting an Islamic ideology even if showed high flexibility, while a third party are attached to the viewpoint of the brotherhood as a very strong political movement with a large presence in the Egyptian street, and that the political system want to weaken this power and this presence.(36)

Third: The Relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Political Authority

The relationship to the political authority still represents the real challenge which the Muslim Brotherhood face. It is related to the phase of largest transformations within Islamic movements, whereas the call for a peaceful approach has put Arab governments, including the Egyptian one, in a definite situation. While the Egyptian government, represented in the Egyptian Ministry of Interior, has welcomed the intellectual revision of the Muslim group, it still continues to pursue the security confrontation with the Muslim Brotherhood, in

spite of its peaceful approach. If the government really welcomes the peaceful transformation of the Muslim Brotherhood, but at the same time does not acknowledge the right of the peaceful Muslim Brotherhood to practice the public work, then this should mean that the official attitude of the Egyptian government is still rejecting to grant the Islamic movement its right to practice the peaceful political work (37). There are no many choices available to the Muslim Brotherhood as the present authority still rejects all kinds of fair and peaceful competition, as well as the collusion of the international powers which do not want the Islamic movements to politically express itself, thus affecting the reality of our societies. Consequently, the choices are often limited to one of two things: either to cooperate with the present political systems, or to accept the role of illegal opposition (38). If one of the major disadvantages of the despotic systems was represented in blocking all paths of political experiences and maturity in front of people, Islamists, too, through focusing on the seizure of political power, directly, without any preliminary steps, would miss the opportunity to learn anything in relation to the political process itself, including negotiation, relinquishment, decision making and developing procedural rules to practice political power (39).

The relationship of the Muslim Brotherhood to the political authorities went through 3 phases, the first of which could be described as the period of establishment, spread and popularity, which extends from 1928 until the assassination of its founder, Imam Hasan El-Bana on 12th February 1949. The second period, during which the group continued without any new General Guide until 1951 when judge Hasan Al-Hudaiby was finally appointed, extended to 1954, when the historical clash occurred between the then Neo-Nasserism and the Brotherhood following a short-lived period of harmony - a clash that lasted until the beginning of the 70s of the former century when President Abdel-Nasser died. The second half of the 70s was the beginning of the second foundation of the group as openness spread between the group and the system of President Sadat allowing the group to move widely to attract huge number of middle classes members who were more active in order to renew its basis of followers, after it had been almost frozen, due to the wide clash with the Nasserist system. Undoubtedly, the clash of the group with President Sadat system following his visit to Jerusalem, and his conclusion of the Peace Treaty with the Jewish State, has increased by the new comers to its membership among university students, thus giving a protesting impression on the group, Which in its turn helped them attracting huge numbers of his colleagues to the group, drawing them away from the other Islamic Jihad groups that were criticizing the Brotherhood group for its moderation, the "middle-ness" of its theses and avoidance of being in clash with the state.

With the assassination of President Sadat in 1981, and the beginning of the breakup of tension and escalation condition which lay heavy on Egypt during the last four years of his leadership, the members of this new generation started working actively to establish and build the group, after they had graduated from the universities and acquired well-respected professions in society. They were able to realize achievements on both political and syndicalistic levels more than the group could do during its previous history. The group could overrun the elections of most Egyptian professional syndicates, Teaching Staff Clubs in various universities. The group could also, despite the continuous legal prohibition imposed thereon, to win parliament seats for its members, most of whom are the sons of that generation, during 3 election (of the years 1984, 1987 and 2000) (40).

It could be said that the relationship of the Muslim Brotherhood to the Egyptian State in President Mubarak era since 1981 had gone through three stages: the first one, which could be described as the period of "disregard and tolerance" ,extended from the assassination of president Sadat until about 1988, during which the major target of the state was to break up the tension condition that accompanied and followed the assassination, provided that this would create new ruling legitimacy, whose core was based on national conciliation and interaction with the major political powers. It led to granting the Brotherhood with a large amount of free movement and ge amount of re nopanurationexpression without reaching an official acknowledgement of the legitimacy of its existence. This stage enabled the Brotherhood to support its political and social existence in Egypt, and to extend its influence to political and professional institutions and sectors such as People's Assembly, professions syndicates, students unions in universities and teaching staff clubs. By the end of People's Assembly election in 1987, which uncovered the potential of the Brotherhood under their alliance with both Al-Amal (Work) and Al-Ahrar (Liberals) parties under the banner of "Islam is the Solution", the second phase of its relationship to the state began, which could be described as the period "cautiousness and Friction', during which the state started trying to interrupt the advance of the Brotherhood inside the professional syndicates through freezing some of them, and raising problems inside others, while the Brotherhood started acting as a semi-legitimate power in the country.

In 1992 the Brotherhood could take hold of bar association board which had been a monopoly during its history of both the liberal and governmental trends, which led the state to get alarmed. In the ate to get alarmed.mental y.icem, amd Middle of the same year, the most aggressive wave of Islamic violence, which was carried out by both "Islamic Group" and "Jihad" broke out, during which the state blamed the Brotherhood for not condemning them, and merely announcing pompous statements. Thus, the relationship of the Brotherhood to the state entered the third stage, which started in the beginning of 1993 and continued until now, and which represents the period of "deterioration and clash". The state decision to enter into confrontation with the group is because the coincidence of its spread in the various sector of political and syndicalistic activities with the large and harsh wave of Islamic violence, which led the state to consider this as two aspects of one phenomenon, i.e. the Islamic awaking, where it has seen no intrinsic differences between the Brotherhood and Islamic violence groups. In addition, the state considered the banned group as a growing political danger threatening its control of ruling in the country, especially following the successes it achieved in many public and syndicate elections, which the state considered as the "alarm bells" and should be paid attention and be dealt with as a political rival to the state, which is able, when appropriate, to threaten the state power (41).

The political fears from the Muslim Brotherhood led the state to adopt the strategy of "premature abortion" when confronting it since the end of 1994. This strategy includes directing successive and separate hits to the group in order to achieve two major targets: First, exhausting it through bringing it before courts, and judging to send its leaders and members to jail according to various periods, second, depriving the group from the ability up ths lengthesd of 1994us to move with its full power, especially during public political campaign, whether nationally, regionally or internationally, in addition to achieve another target which is more general and central, that is to address a clear political message to the group as well as the other political powers which care about the conditions of political Islam in up as eEgypt implying that the state is insisting on its attitude of not allowing - at any time and under whatever circumstances – the grant the – banned - group a legal and a legitimate position enabling it to interact in the political and social arena as other legitimate political powers (42). The governmental campaigns have especially focused on the second generation of the Muslim Brotherhood, which has achieved the political and electoral victories for the group, whether inside the parliament or the professional syndicates, and which has carried out the "second establishment" thereof, while it did not approach, but rarely, the older generation who is responsible for the "first establishment" whose importance declined within its actual activities for the interest of the first generation.

The state increased the use of this strategy following the success of the Brotherhood of acquiring 17 seats in the last People's Assembly election in 2000 at the same time when all the legitimate parties could acquire only 16 seats. Afterwards occurred the incidents of September 11^th and its consequences, which led the Egyptian government to decide to intensify its campaigns against the banned group in Egypt without being exposed to official international pressures or to associations of human or legal rights because of those campaigns. Both these variants have led to increase the rate of these campaigns and the numbers of those detained, as well as the number of the judgments against them much more than during the last years following 1994 when the government started applying this strategy, whereas the state intensified the application of this strategy during the period following the incidents of September 11^th, so that nearly every two months huge numbers of the group had been arrested and referred to military courts sending them to jail for periods reached till 5 years. During all these times almost the same charge had been addressed to the leaders and members of the group: "the formation of a secret organization that is resisting the ruling system," "possession of leaflets urging to topple this system, " and "preparation for demonstrations which lead to disturb the public peace." (43)

This developments have affected the address of the Muslim Brotherhood following the appointment of Mohamed Mahdy Aakef the post of the General Guide, who adopted a sort of address against the government characterized by an amount of tension and criticism. Mr. Aakef asserted that no positive changes had occurred in relation to the relationship of the group to the government as many members of the group are still imprisoned in jails and prisons, indicating that he was expecting the Egyptian government within the context of these conditions and the international challenges to achieve better understanding between the government and the Brotherhood as the group of the most prominent presence on the Egyptian political arena (44).

The aforementioned course of the Brotherhood relationship to the state shows that the Muslim Brotherhood movement had always to deal with a number of key intellectual and political dualisms in order to achieve a fruitful cooperation or an acceptable co-living with the ruling power. One of these dualisms is the duality of acceptance and rejection, whereas the first thing that confronts the movement within this course is the challenge of harmonization between accepting the political power as a prerequisite of co-living policy, and the rejection of the legitimacy of this power at the same time, for which the movement, however, seeks to find an alternative. This is a highly complicated formula, which one of the researchers described as the combination of: "the work methods allowed under the ruling system, and the work manner rejecting the basis of this system." (45) In addition, there is the dualism of disregard and justification, whereas the co-living of the ruling power or the cooperation therewith requires disregard some certain matters without any justification thereof, but it seems that the borders between the processes of pwruitful cooperation or disregard and justification are not quite clear for some members of the Muslim Brotherhood. On the other hand, there is the duality of opposition and confrontation, as opposition does not necessarily mean the other, and any thoughtless deficiency in relation to this formula may have a negative effect on both the movement and the society. One of researchers concerned with Islamic movements has observed that there is "some kind of clear mixing among the members of the Islamic movement between the concepts of "opposing the ruling power" and the "struggle against this power." (46) And finally, there the duality of address and effectiveness, whereas some Muslim Brotherhood groups abstain from forming an alliance with non-Islamist ruler, or with a national political power in order to maintain the pure image of its members, thus, missing the strategic gain that may be the future result thereof. When former president Abdel-Nasser asked the then Brotherhood General Guide, Hasan Al-Hudaiby, to nominate one of the group's members to share with him in the authority, he refused to do so unless the there was a 100 % Islamic ruling, and contended himself with nominating some competent persons who were not members of the Brotherhood. One of researchers called this phenomenon "image worshipping", whose essence represents a failure to harmonize between requirements of the mission and address, and those of political effectiveness (47).

Fourth: 2002 Interactions

This section will focus on studying the most prominent reactions of the political role of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Egypt during 2002. They are represented in the complimentary elections of the People's Assembly- held in Alexandria in June 2002- arrest campaigns against members of the movement in the same year, the movement's role during the People's Assembly's 2002/2003 third session with a view to providing a comprehensive analysis and a deeper understanding of the movement's political role and relationship with the state.

People's Assembly's Complimentary Elections in Alexandria

People's Assembly's Complimentary Elections in Alexandria took place long before the scheduled date of the parliamentary elections, October 18^th, 2000. It's crystal clear that Al-Raml is one of Alexandria's biggest constituencies; it has 146.000 electors voters in 94 constituencies. And because each constituency has different political currents, it has got 26 electors representing all political parties and currents although the competition, from the start, was limited to representatives of the Islamic Current, those of the ruling NDP and a small number of Independents. A few days before holding the elections, the security forces in Alexandria tightened the grip around the Ikhwan candidates Jihan Al-Halafawi (professional) and Al-Muhammadi Sayed Ahmed (worker). Also, their representatives were arrested and jailed in Al-Raml police station custody. Due to such arbitrary measures, the two candidates submitted a request to the Administrative Judiciary Court to postpone or cancel the elections within the constituency until their respective representatives were released. The court issued a ruling postponing elections till December 24^th, 2000. However, Ministry of the Interior shrugged off the judgment and assigned the State Litigation Authority (Alexandria branch) the task of submitting a challenge to the ruling before a non-jurisdiction court to stop the implementation of the ruling of postponing elections.

The aforementioned judgment was followed by another one issued by the Ministry of Interior. It stated that the elections would be run within the constituency on October 18th, 2000, the same day assigned for Alexandria in the first round. And because the Ministry of Interior did not declare the election date on a large scale, this affected the voter attendance. Also the siege struck by the policemen around the ballot stations helped confirm the decision of the cancellation of elections within this constituency. Furthermore, some voters were prevented from entering the ballot stations. However, according to the election final results, the Muslim Brotherhood candidates won the highest percentage of votes. According to the Ministry of Interior's report, Jihan al Halafawi secured 3662 votes, al-Muhamadi Sayed Ahmad Ali 3602, the NDP candidate Gomaa al-Gharabawi 1797, and Salah Iysa (Independent) 1234. And due to the failure of all these candidates to win 50% of the votes, a run-off round was set on October 24^th, 2000, for the big-vote winners.

However, the government, in light of such results, insisted on the postponement of the elections according to the aforementioned ruling by the Alexandria Supreme Administrative Court. As a result, the re-election round did not take place a week later. Minister of Interior issued a decree No. 15514 of the year 2000 to stop the re-election according to the court's ruling. From October 2000 till June 27th, 2002, the court issued 17 rulings, the last of which issued on July 4^th, 2001, demanding the Ministry of Interior to set an immediate date for the re-election of the four persons, who won the biggest votes in the first round, within 60 days, at most, from the date of the Court's ruling. The NDP candidates Sami al-Jindi and Gomaa al-Gharabawi won the re-election.

The elections coincided with large-scale riots and the Egyptian authorities reacted against what they looked upon as an escalation by the Ikhwan. Moreover, the State Security Prosecution sent 101 people, arrested by the police, to jail for 15 days pending investigation, for charges of demonstrating, agitating the public, revolting against public order, violating security and threatening social peace. Interrogations proved that the accused tried to interrupt the course of elections using force, reiterated slogans jeopardizing social security and peace, attacked security forces, and sabotaged 6 buses by throwing stones at them. The procedure taken by Egyptian authorities came as a new blow to the movement which hoped to win two seats in People's Assembly, a wish for which one lady was elected to win one of the two seats, such an unprecedented action in the history of Ikhwan, in order to emphasize the shift and change made to the movement's thought and that the Ikhwan was not against women's involvement in the public work (48).

Observers agree that this issue reveals one of the negative phenomenon within the Egyptian community; people's unwillingness to put the judicial rulings into force. The main reason for the Al-Raml consistency crisis was the Ministry of Interior's insistence on the non-compliance with the binding rulings of the court to postpone the elections. The ministry, instead, made an appeal against the ruling in the ordinary judiciary in order to bypass the ruling and evade its execution. Although the last ruling of the ordinary judiciary was appealable before Supreme Administrative Court, the ruling of the Supreme Administrative Court is self-executing regardless of any appeal as stated in the two Articles 49 and 50 of the State Council Law No. 47 of the year 1972. Such a ruling could never be resisted except when stopped by the appellation district of the Supreme Administrative Court. And because this did not happen, the Ministry of Interior was obliged to guarantee an exclusive and typical execution of this ruling.

B- Arrest and Detention Campaigns Against the Muslim Brotherhood

The arrest campaigns by Egyptian authorities against the Ikhwan (Muslim Brotherhood) are the feasible and practical execution of the governments' policy towards the movement. The first indication of the confrontation between the Muslim Brotherhood and the government was the latter's uncovering "Salsabil PC" in 1992 and sending a big number of the members of the movement to the Supreme Administrative Court which did not convict theme. According to some Ikhwan sources, there are about 400 Ikhwans now in the Egyptian prisons. Since 1993, the movement has undergone 38 detention campaigns in different governorates, not to mention the regular individual suspensions on and off.

The Egyptian government, on the other hand, issued Law No, 100 of the year 1993 concerning the professional syndicates' arrangements when the Ikhwan managed to rule over the board of directors of the Lawyers Syndicate. In mid 1990, a steamy confrontation between the Egyptian government and the Ikhwan inside the Lawyers Syndicate following the assassination of the lawyer Abdel-Harith Madani and accusing the Ikhwan of the assassination. In the summer of 1994, the government excluded the Ikhwan from the National Dialogue Conference. This was accompanied by a massive detention campaign which, for the first time, putting leading figures in the movement under arrest. Ibrahim Sharaf and other outstanding political leaders such as Mukhtar Nuh were among the detainees. However, such campaigns were but a warning message to the apex and base of the Muslim Brotherhood.

On September 2nd, 1995, the confrontation between the Ikhwan and the government entered a dangerous phase when the government issued the presidential decree No. 279 of the year 1995 to send 49 leading Ikhwan figures to the Military Court on criminal charge No. 8 of the year 1995. The trial included some of the members involved in Salsabil case and those who had a hand in "Deviations of the Doctors Syndicate's Relief Committee". According to the aforementioned decree, some members of the movement stood trial by the Military Court for the first time in 30 years. Some Ikhwan members were sent to the Military court earlier in 1965 concerning the famous case of Sayed Qutb. Another group, on top of the list Prof. Essam Al-Irian and Prof. Abdel-Min'em Abul-Futuh, during the same month, stood trial on the criminal case No. 11 of the year 1995. They were accused of reconstructing the movement. The case showed that the security structures recorded their meetings, using video cameras.

However, only one week before the Egyptian Legislative elections (November 1995), the Military Court sentenced 54 of the movement cadres and also issued a decree to the effect of the closure of the movement's downtown headquarters (At-Tawfiqiya), confiscation of their funds and files and banning their magazine (al-Da'wa). The rulings dealt with two separate cases with 82 defendants, 27 of them were acquitted and 5 were sentenced 5 years penal servitude, among them were Prof. Essam Al-Irian, one of the candidates. The remaining 49 members were sentenced to 3 years penal servitude, among them were Prof. Abdel-Min'em Abul-Futuh and Prof. Muhammad Al-Sayyid Habib. The rulings were based upon their conviction of attempting to revive an illegitimate organization with a view to obstructing the country's laws and institution. The Egyptian government had already decided in 1954 to dismantle the movement- established by Hasan Al-Banna in 1954- and ban its activities.

On January 27th, 2002, the Muslim Brotherhood received another blow from the Egyptian authorities; 8 leading Ikhwan figures were busted, accusing them of agitating university students and holding them responsible for the demonstrations led by the Islamic-trend university students. They were sent to stand before the State Security Prosecution, among them were Prof. Abu Zeid Nabawi Muhammad, a professor in the Faculty of Agriculture, Al-Monufiya Univ., Prof. Al-Sayyid Abdel-Nour Abdel-Bari, professor in the Faculty of Agriculture, Zagazig Univ., Prof. Usama Abdel-Aziz Abdel-Ati, professor in the Medicine School, Kafr Al-Shaikh Univ., and others along with Amin Al-Lubudi, who was arrested in his place. They received charges of orchestrating the students' activity inside the organization, masterminding all Ikhwan students' demonstrations in different governorates, spreading the Ikhwan ideas and principles, having new members of the movement, putting plans for establishing a women's organization from among the female students within the movement, collecting funds under a claim of supporting the Palestinian Intifada (49).

Moreover, the Egyptian authorities released, as a sudden step, the member of the Guidance Bureau of the Muslim Brotherhood Prof. Rashad Al-Bayumi, on the execution of a ruling by the State Security Prosecution. This took place three days after the movement's appointing of Mamoun Al-Hudaibi as General Guide. There were also released other 19 Ikhwan icons who had been arrested during that security campaign on September 19^th, 2002. They were accused of joining an organization that aimed at toppling the regime and possessing printouts poisoning the Egyptian public against the government. Some Ikhwan communities were satisfied with this decision. And, as a result, the Ikhwan lawyer Abdel-Men'em Abdel-Maqsud declared that the movement would comply with their own life-long approach based on peaceful work and most gracious means (50).

Here is a number of the cases some of the Ikhwan elements were involved with in 2002:

- Case No. 1066 of the year 2001; 16 people accused of joining the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood (by the end of 2001).

- Case No. 196 of the year 2002; 8 people accused of joining the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 583 of the year 2002; 6 people charged with publishing printouts accusing the government of neglecting the Egyptian public.

- Case No. 703 of the year 2002; 22 people were accused of joining the politically outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 760 of the year 2002; 28 people were accused of joining the politically outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 796 of the year 2002; 33 people were accused of joining the politically outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 868 of the year 2002; 12 people accused of joining the politically outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 872 of the year 2002; 5 people accused of joining the politically outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 876 of the year 2002; 6 people accused of joining the politically outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 881 of the year 2002; 21 people accused of joining the politically outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

- Case No. 884 of the year 2002; 2 people accused of joining the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood (51).

This, however, shows how hectic the relationship between the Egyptian government and the Muslim Brotherhood has been; such a roller-coaster relationship in light of detention campaigns and arresting a large number of the Ikhwan members and sending most of them to military courts. It's noteworthy that members and leaders of the movement almost received the same charges (establishment of an underground organization opposing the regime, possession of printouts to topple the regime, masterminding demonstrations to obscure peace and public security). There's no denying the fact that such arrest and detention campaigns reflect the strategy adopted by the Egyptian government against the movement since the end of 1994, a strategy which could be known as "premature-abortion strategy" (52).

C- Muslim Brotherhood in the Parliament

Political action is of great concern to the Muslim Brotherhood. The group did not only manage to penetrate into professional entities, syndicates and student unions, but it also managed to join the legislative elections three times in 1984, 1987 and 2000 despite banning its activities. We will focus our analysis on the latest elections and the Ikhwan representatives' performance within the parliament.

One of the most critical developments for the Muslim Brotherhood in the People's Assembly in 2002 was when Prof. Gamal Heshmat, MP for Damanhour constituency in Behaira Governorate, got struck off. The People's Assembly agreed to drop Heshmat's membership at its session on December 12^th, 2002, with a majority of 337 MPs from the total of 454 MPs following fierce debates between supportive and opposing members. The nullification of the Brotherhood MP's membership took place in implementation of the Court of Cassation's ruling to nullify the elections held in Damanhour in 2002 due to errors occurred while sorting out the polls and observing the election results following that challenge filled by the Al-Wafd Party candidate Khairy Qalag. On the other hand, Ikhwan MP Prof. Gamal Heshmat declared, during the assembly's discussion of the Legislative Committee's report that decided to accept the Court of Cassation's ruling, his rejection of the report because of the dualism of the committee's standards. Moreover, Heshmat called for forming a special committee to reinvestigate the poll papers, just like what the committee had decided on before concerning the nine reports sent to the Court of Cassation in respect of electoral challenges, which were, to his way of thinking, more obvious than the assembly's report against him. However, the Legislative Committee formed ad hoc committees, chaired by the under secretary, that approved their memberships and refused to execute the rulings issued.

Muslim Brotherhood Representatives' Performance Throughout the Third Session

The People's Assembly Third Session witnessed a strong participation on the part of Muslim Brotherhood representatives, either in matters relating to membership of the assembly's specific committees or participation in monitoring activities.

Specific Committees Membership: the People's Assembly Third Session began with Ikhwan simple shifts within the assembly's specific committees; Prof. Akram Al-Sha'er joined the Committee on Foreign Relationships as a major member retaining the reserve membership of Committee on Planning and Budget, of which he was a major member throughout the last two sessions. In addition, Prof. Mohammed Mursi, Ikhwan representatives' spokesman, joined the Constitutional and Legislative Committee as a substitute for the Committee on Industry and Energy beside his major membership of Committee on Education and Scientific Research. Moreover, Prof. Hamdy Hassan became a major member of Economic Committee and a substitute member of Health Committee and Mohammed Al-Adly joined the Youth Committee as a major member. In this regard, representatives Aly Laban and Mohammed Al-Gharabawy remained as members of Committee on Education, Mahfouz Helmi and Mustafa Mohammed Mustafa as members of Committee on Industry, Azzab Mustafa and Saber Abdel-Sadek as members of Committee on Housing, Al-Sayyid Abdel-Hamid as members of Committee on Health, Al-Sayyid Hozein as a member of Committee on Agriculture and Irrigation, Hussein Mohammed Ibrahim as a member of Committee on Proposals and Complaints, Mustafa Awadalla as a member of Arab Affairs Committee, Aly Fath Al-Bab as a member of Labor Committee and Hasanin Al-Shura as a major member of Committee on Local Administration and a substitute member of Committee on Transportation.

Participation in the Parliamentary Monitoring: Muslim brotherhood members submit some significant inquiries, the most important of which were that of Prof. Akram Al-Sha'er about Lake Manzala, two inquiries by Prof. Hamdy Hassan about the destruction of Lake Mariout and the Egyptian Villagers Development Project and that inquiry by Hussein Mohammed Ibrahim about the serious problem of Al Nasr Salines and a number of other inquiries relating to agriculture, banks and education issues (53). Moreover, the Brotherhood Movement representatives submitted some quests for notification and questions and proposed some draft laws to the PA. Examples are shown below.

A. Inquiries:

Representatives of the Muslim Brotherhood submitted a number of inquiries, two of them by Prof. Hamdy Hassan: the first inquiry was about the destruction and pollution of Lake Mariout in Alexandria and officials' intentional negligence. The other inquiry tackled the reasons why the Egyptian Farmers Development Project came to a halt. The notable thing is that this was the first inquiry throughout the history of Egyptian Parliament to rely on some video cassettes on the project considered as key inquiry documents. The third inquiry was by Prof. Akram Al-Sha'er on the drainage and deterioration in Lake Manzala in Port Said due to wrong policies and lack of effective management. The fourth inquiry was by Hussein Mohammed Ibrahim about the L.E. 0.5bn losses of Al Nasr Salines residences. In this regard, Ibrahim said he had all evidence "documents" and that many authorities had a hand in that disaster.

Meanwhile, Azzab Mustafa submitted another inquiry about bank corruptions, making it clear that he had "critical documents" that proved bank figures' involvement with facilitating loan making for fugitive businessmen. Azzab added that his inquiry was an attempt to improve the deteriorating position of such a vital sector. The inquiry focused on the reasons for such deterioration and its political, economic and social impacts on the Egyptian society. Azzab also encompassed appropriate solutions and an alternative vision to reform the banking system via Islamic experiences (54). Meanwhile, Prof. Akram Al- Sha'er submitted his inquiry about the negative consequences of cancellation of Port Said Tax-Free Zone by a Decree of Ex-Prime Minister Prof. Atef Ebaid. He asserted that it was a wrong decree, emphasizing the resulting negative impacts on the governorate's income due to the low customs fees and moribund tourism. That was Al-Sha'er's first time to discuss an inquiry in the assembly despite the fact that he had submitted 5 inquiries that were never discussed (55).

Prof. Hamdy Hassan interrogated Prof. Atef Ebaid and ex-Minister of Agriculture Prof. Youssef Wali about the Pilot Project on Developing Human Environment in the Egyptian desert, a project enrolled in the five-year state plan. Prof. Hassan held both Ebaid and Wali responsible for bringing one of the successful national projects to a halt and giving no attention to the project's research findings, which would cause an unprecedented increase in the feddan productivity, according to the words of all officials who monitored the project. In this regard, Hassan called upon the government not to impede the "pioneering" project, which managed to "introduce a desert residence model" in tune with that introduced by the international Egyptian scientist Hassan Fathy, at just 5% of the cost of the ordinary system. Prof. Hassan also impeached both Ebaid and Wali for not taking the chance for Egypt to become the Middle East first investment market according to UNESCO reports as well as making Egypt unable to achieve food and water self-sufficiency because they exerted no effort to develop other alternative water resources other than the Valley and the River Nile. Hassan also blamed the two ex-officials for wasting public money due to entrusting a corrupt financial administration. Prof. Hassan stressed the point that the project set up some 24 pilot research centers across Egypt and helped revive some 12 crafts almost fell into oblivion. Surprisingly, the project, funded by a charitable loan by the European Union (EU) as a would-be example to be followed, was described by Egyptian ex-minister of agriculture in an official speech as a source of pride before deciding to bring it to a stop (56).

B. Questions & Quests for Notification

The questions and quests for notification, submitted by the Muslim Brotherhood representatives, addressed many political, social, economic and educational policies as follows:

Representatives Aly Laban and Akram Al-Sha'er asked the Prime Minister about the closure of five Azhar legal faculties in Port Said, Khanka, and Kafr Al-Sheikh and sending their students to other faculties starting from SY2003-2004. In this regard, the representatives added that this news made students and parents worry so much. They asked for an immediate answer on the government's part to calm those students and their parents down (57).

Prof. Mohammed Mursi, the Muslim Brotherhood Spokesman and member of Committee on Education, submitted a quest for notification to Minister of Education on chaotic education policies over the past decade. The quest for notification covered many topics, including the high-school system's shifting from one-year system to the two-year system and cancellation of grade improvement, which confused teachers, students, and parents and caused the educational process to be inefficient too. In addition, the representative referred to the illegal decisions made, such as transferring teachers to administrative positions and remote governorates without being interrogated, and other decisions made by the ministry of education that put the educational process in this critical position. He also shed light on the primary education system shifting from a six-year system to that five-year system then back to six-year system again, which led the primary education to chaos throughout the last decade and had negative impacts on education stability (58).

In a question to the Prime Minister on Sunday September 28^th, 2003, Mr. Azzab Mustafa accused the government of wasting L.E.6bn on governmental vehicles during 2002/2003. In this regard, Mustafa asserted that the Central Auditing Organization Report on the 2002/2003 Budget revealed extreme extravagance on vehicles; for even governmental vehicles operation and maintenance requirements got imported. More surprisingly, the CAO's report asserted that these requirements beside fuels, oils and spare parts reached L.E. 6.6bn from the State Budget. The Muslim Brotherhood questioned the credibility of governmental statements on expenditure rationing and anti-extravagance trends amidst an imminent economic crisis to crash the Egyptian economy (59).

Hasaneen Al-Shura asked Prime Minister about the rise in essential needs prices, especially bread, heating oil, sugar, clothes, school tools and expenses...etc. The representative inquired about the procedures the government took or about to take to control prices (60).

Mahfouz Helmi asked the Prime Minister and Ex-Minister of Public Business Sector to submit a statement on the activity; profits and losses of the sector's companies as well as the procedures taken to hold those responsible for the collapse of many companies accountable. The representative leaned on a CAO's report on evaluation of Public Business Sector and Public Sector companies' performance in 2002. The report revealed breakdown of 228 companies due to administrative deviations for billions of pounds were spent on badly-studied projects and adopting bad purchasing policies, which led eventually to grave losses. In spite of much warning against companies' breakdown due to inefficient management, negligence, weak control, fragile financing structures and accumulation of local and foreign debts, nothing was done to punish those involved in such a breakdown (61).

Aly Fath Al-Bab asked Minister of Foreign Affairs about the nuclear missiles the Zionists have and the threat they pose to Egypt's national security. For more evidence, the representative depended on the London-based International Strategic Studies Institute's annual report on armament race which revealed that the "Zionist entity" has massive nuclear potentials; Israel has a nuclear arsenal of some 100 nuclear warheads which can be launched via missiles "Ariha-1" or "Ariha-2" with a 500-2000km range. In addition, the report asserted that "Zionists" were keen on spreading ARO-2 anti-long missile batteries, not to mention the American project to be carried out in October 2003 to provide Israel with equipment to use its 900-kilogram-bombs stock more thoroughly and efficiently. The representative wondered how Egypt reacted towards that threat posed at its border (62).

Al-Sayyid Hozein asked the Minister of Foreign Affairs about the US military bases in Egypt. He referred to what the then Minister of Information Safwat Al-Sherif said to one of the national newspapers on April 5^th, 2003: "Thank God, there are no foreign military bases on our land. No foreign rockets are launched from our land." Controversially, the Ex-Ministry's statement was conflicting with what News Week (Arabic version) said on April 1^st, 2003, according to US Military Intelligence, that there are five US military bases in Sinai along the Red Sea, three of which are marine, the other two are ground bases. In addition, the representative submitted a copy of Ex-Minister's speech and that of the foreign paper, asking for the truth as soon as possible (63).

Prof. Mohammed Mursi submitted a quest for notification to Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research about the bad, deteriorating services provided in educational hospitals. In addition, the representative relied on a CAO's report revealing serious dissents within the educational hospitals such as expired in-use medicines, lack of beds for free-of-charge patients, shortage of medical important medication and requirements as well as the low-level services. As a result, these factors influenced the medical services provided to the poor and low-income citizens, eventually endangering the Egyptian citizen's health (64).

The same representative submitted a quest for notification concerning the loss of more than L.E.20bn in the Housing Sector; for the new urban communities were still suffering from the poor vital services, such as insufficient means of transport, lack of schools, hospitals and security units. This, in turn, caused the dead stock rise of L.E.5.6bn, the value of residences and lands designed for residential, industrial and commercial purposes. He added that despite the huge value, the luxury investment in these cities cost more than L.E.13bn with no purchasing power or real demand for such real estate projects. Furthermore, the CAO's report revealed scandalous deviations at the Fayoum Building Cooperative Society, affiliated to General Building and Housing Cooperative Authority; the Authority has been collecting L.E.1000 from each member of the Syndicate of Educational Professionals with a view to establishing residences for teachers on Madabegh land since 1996. Yet, no units were delivered until the date of the quest for notification submitted – five years after the due date of delivery. What's more, the units had not been built until the quest for notification was submitted to the Assembly (65).

Moreover, the same representative submitted a quest for notification to Minister of Education about the loss of some L.E. 2.6mn as actual investments made by General Authority for Educational Buildings. In this regard, the representative referred to a CAO's report on L.E. 2,615,000mn investments made by General Authority for Educational Buildings which haven't been made use of. Some other L.E.3.2mn educational constructions in the governorates of Assiut and Gharbeya were useless too (66).

C. Draft Laws

The representative Prof. Akram Al-Sha'er submitted a draft law to appoint jobless teachers pursuant to 3-year-temporary contracts to be officially appointed with no need to the Ministry's competition. Committee on Proposals and Complaints approved the draft law. In addition, the Committee and representatives of Ministry of Finance approved the representative's proposal for teachers to get their salaries plus an annual overall reward and have a share of the rung of the ladder, as partial solution to the unemployment problem (67).

In addition, Al-Sha'er came up with a bill to permit the Azhar-high-school graduates to join Police Academy. In this regard, People's Assembly approved the bill upon Ministry of Interior's approval and the bill was referred to the appropriate Committee on Defense and National Security (68).

Muslim Brotherhood representative Hamdy Hassan submitted a bill opposing the remand procedure for journalists or physicians due to wrong professional practices. In this respect, the representative suggested that a new article No. "135" be added to Criminal Procedure Law prohibiting remand in press crimes unless the crime is stipulated under Law No.179 of Penalty Law. In addition, the proposed article prohibits remand for physicians when committing unintended errors that would harm patients. Moreover, the representative revealed in the bill clarification memorandum that remand is a kind of deprivation of freedom for a time period determined by inquiries in accordance with law disciplines. Thus, remand is the most dangerous interrogation procedure as a violation of individual freedom (69).

D. Government Statement and Budget

For the third year respectively, the Muslim Brotherhood representatives kept rejecting the Financial Statement and the State Budget submitted by ex-prime minister Prof. Atef Ebaid to People's Assembly. The Budget, according to the representatives, had brilliant figures and, thus, was far from reality and actual potentials of the state. The Muslim brotherhood representatives, the strongest anti-budget voice, submitted a detailed refusal notice concerning the financial statement or plan. Eventually, they rejected the proposed budget under the claim that it had nothing to do with the ambitions and needs of the public.

In this regard, Prof. Mohammed Mursi, Head of Muslim Brotherhood Parliament Authority, rejected the government's explanations for the economic crisis and the Minister of Finance's statement which ascribed the national economic crisis to the world economic variables, 9/11 attacks and war on Iraq. And instead of taking such factors into account, the government officials kept blaming the crisis on the outside world. Mursi also pointed out that being fragile to world events reflects the state's inability to learn the lessons of the past economic global crises in South Eastern Asia, Russia and Mexico. Because while the Egyptian economy was paying the price for the economic crisis of South East Asia, the economies in disarray recovered by the end of 1999. Thus, Mursi called upon the government to take precedent procedures to face world crisis in order to mitigate the losses of Egyptian economy. "The State Budget actual results as stated during the last few years in the financial statement revealed disparity between budget resources and increasing rates of expenditure, leading to a budget deficit and raising so many questions on such a period, as the Minister of Finance came to office in 1999. That was his third time to prepare a State Budget", said Mursi. Finally, the representative wondered who was responsible for such false estimates which troubled the state economy, whereas Ministry of Finance is responsible for drafting and presenting the budget (70).

Conclusion:

Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt is undoubtedly the most important modern Islamic movement to influence the Arab countries and some Islamic countries throughout the last seventy-five years.

In light of global huge developments and rapid variables in the Arab Islamic world, Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt has been trying to make changes in terms of thought, structure, dealing with the government and other political parties and reach a historic reconciliation. In addition, the movement is doing its level best to solve the law problematic; the best evidence of that is the movement's initiative for comprehensive reform in Egypt.

Muslim Brotherhood managed to develop their political experience under hard circumstances; they adopted a long-term policy and decided to move ahead step by step and accumulate experience. They gained large popularity and clear political approval. For example, they admitted the significance and necessity of multi-political system under Islam. In addition, they gave woman the political right to run in elections, vote and get involved in politics, as an activation of her right to command the right and forbid the wrong. They remained on good terms with religious minority in Egypt according to the legal principle "WE ARE ALL EQUAL". Muslim brotherhood has been trying lately to win the confidence of the ruling party which is afraid of the movement's influence and popularity. Muslim Brotherhood's relationship with the government will, more or less, be paid much attention in the future. Despite the clampdown and tight policy of the government towards the movement, Muslim Brotherhood still have their powerful existence in the Egyptian community.

Therefore, the government has to adopt a policy in containing and taming Muslim Brotherhood. The movement, on the other hand, has to understand the game and its rules and deal positively with it.

Notes:

Emad Siam, Muslim Brotherhood; does Conflict Control the Future, Al-Democratiah, issue 9, 3^rd year, 2003, Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, Cairo, p. 125.

Diaa Rashwan, Post-Mashhour Muslim Brotherhood, islamonline.net, 17/11/2002, pp. 1,2, http:\\www.islamonline.net

Al-Mussawar magazine, 1/11/2002

Al-Ahram Al-Arabi magazine, 9/11/2002

Akher Sa'a magazine, 6/11/2002

Diaa Rashwan, op cit, p. 2

Akher Sa'a, op cit, 6/11/2002

Abdel-Raheem Ali, Muslim Brotherhood Decided on their New Guide, islamonline.net, 25/11/2002, http:\\www.islamonline.net

Abdullah Al-Nafeessi (editor), The Islamic Movement, Future Vision; Papers in Self Criticism, Madbouli Bookshop, Cairo, 1989, 1^st Edition, p. 247.

Mohamed Emarah, Some Disruptions in Modern Islamic Movements, included in The Islamic Movement, Future Vision; Papers in Self Criticism, ibid, p. 346

Mohamed Al-Mukhtar Al-Shankiti, Features of the Muslim Brotherhood Leadership Dilemma, Al-Jazeera.net, 8/1/2003, p. 3

Ibid, p. 4

Ibid, p. 5

Ibid, p. 6

Ibid, p. 7

Fareed Abdel-Khaleq, Toward Reviewing Statements and Mechanisms, included in The Islamic Movement, Future Vision; Papers in Self Criticism, op cit, p. 316

The text of an interview with Essam Al-Eryan, http:\\www.islamonline.net

ibid, p. 4

ibid, p. 6

Hassan Al-Turabi, The Islamic Movement in Sudan: Development, Gains and Methodology, Khartoum, AH 1410, p. 23

Ahmed Kamal Abul-Magd, Modern Islamic Vision; Declaration of Principles, Cairo, Dar Al-Shorouk, 1991, p. 6

Khalis Al-Gabali, On the Self Criticism; the Necessity of Self Criticism for the Islamic Movement, 3^rd Edition, Beirut, Al-Resalah, 1985, p. 20

This symposium was held at the Arab Unity Studies Center, Cairo, 25-27 September, 1989

Abdel-Raheem Ali, an interview with Essam Al-Eryan, islamonline.net, op cit, p. 4

Abdel-Raheem Ali, A Muslim Brotherhood Initiative for the Interest of the Egyptian Regime, islamonline.net, 9/10/2002

Abdel-Raheem Ali, The Initiative of the Fourth Option between Government and Muslim Brotherhood, islamonline.net, 13/10/2002

Abdel-Raheem Ali, Noah's Initiative…Brotherhood's Reservations and Security's Doubts, islamonline.net, 10/10/2002, p.p. 1, 2

ibid

Gamal Sultan, Muslim Brotherhood Renovation Trend, Al-Manar Al-Gadeed, 20 issue, October 2002, p. 6

Ibid, p. 7

Tarek Al-Beshri, About Arabism and Islam, a paper presented in the national-religious dialogue, working papers and discussions organized by the Arab Unity Studies Center, Bierut, 1989

The text of an interviwe with Prof. Essam Al-Eryan, ibid, p.4.

ibid, p.6.

Zaki Ahmed "Democracy in the contemporary Islamic discourse", Al-mostaqbal Al-Arabi, year 15. Issue No: 165, October 1992, p.37.

ibid, p.39.

The text of an interview with Prof. Essam Al-Eryan, ibid, p.9

Rafeeq Habeeb "Islamic Movements' Shifts Clash with Inflexibility of Movements", islamonline.net, 20/3/2002. p.3.

Muhammad Al-Mukhtar As-Shanqeety "Muslim Brotherhood and Their Relation with Authority", Aljazeera.net, 18/3/2003, p.1

ibid, p.2

Dia' Rashwan "Muslim Brotherhood …….After Mashhour", ibid, p.2.

ibid, p.4.

ibid, p.5.

Nafizat Misr, 15/11/2005.

Abdullah An-Nafeesy "the Future of Islamic Awakening", Arab Union Studies Center. Beirut, Edition 2, 1989, p.329.

Abdullah An-Nafeesy "Editor" Islamic movement, Future Vision, ibid, p. 25.

Abdulmut'al Al-Gabry, why Hassan was Al-Banna assassinated? New Facts and Confidential Documents, Dar-Al-Itsam, Cairo, Edition.2, 1987, P.17.

Al-Ahrar, 3/6/2002.

Al-Hayat, 11/7/2002.

Al-Hayat, 2/12/2002.

Egyptian Human Rights Organization Report, Annual report of 2002, Egyptian Human Rights Organization, Cairo, 2003.

Dia' Rashwan, "Muslim Brotherhood …….After Mashhour", ibid, p.4.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 17/4/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 16/4/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 19/3/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 5/7/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 3/2/2003.

Nafizat Misr, Cairo, 29/9/2003.

Nafizat Misr, Cairo, 27/9/2003.

Nafizat Misr, Cairo, 4/9/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 17/4/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 7/4/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 12/4/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 18/5/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 30/12/2002.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, With no date of publication.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 4/5/2003.

Haqaeq Masryah, Cairo, 12/6/2003.

By	Deia'a Rashwan,Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies (ACPSS)
From	Cairo
Added	Monday, April 03, 2006 00:59

Analisa - Criteria set for Palestinian aid

2006-01-31T18:13:00.000+11:00

"Usah menggarap janji Zionis, usah menagih janji mereka"

The Quartet's words were chosen with particular care

UN chief Kofi Annan has said future aid to the Palestinian Authority will hinge on the government's commitment to peace and recognising Israel.

Speaking for the Mid-East Quartet - the EU, the US, Russia and the UN - Mr Annan said any new government must accept previous agreements.

Aid to the Palestinians has been thrown into doubt by the election victory of Islamic militant group Hamas.

Hamas has already rejected the conditions listed by the Quartet.

It said it was up to Israel to change, by ending what Hamas, which is designated a terrorist organisation by the US and the EU, calls its occupation and aggression.

"The Quartet should have demanded an end to [Israeli] occupation and aggression... not demanded that the victim should recognise the occupation and stand handcuffed in the face of the aggression," Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri was quoted by Reuters news agency as saying.

Careful words

The Quartet's statement, read by Mr Annan after a meeting in London, said: "All members of the future Palestinian government must be committed to non-violence, recognition of Israel and acceptance of previous agreements and obligations, including the roadmap."

See how the EU and US fund the Palestinians

It said future aid would be reviewed in reference to these demands, but did not threaten to cut it in the short term.

The BBC's diplomatic correspondent, James Robbins, said the words were chosen with care. They did not demand a renunciation of violence or immediate recognition of Israel, but a commitment to these things in the future.

The Quartet powers hope that by its actions, rather than words, Hamas can show itself willing to commit to peace efforts, our correspondent says.

Abbas appeal

Earlier, EU ministers made similar demands of Hamas, and said funding would continue as long as the new government proved it was committed to peace with Israel.

The EU is the biggest donor to the Palestinians, giving about $600m (£340m) in 2005.

Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas urged donors not to cut funding to ensure "that the institutions continue to function and the plan to build our independent Palestinian state is not disrupted or derailed".

Speaking after meeting German Chancellor Angela Merkel in the West Bank town of Ramallah, Mr Abbas said it was vital that the work of the Palestinian Authority should carry on as normal.

Hamas 'must change'

A senior Hamas leader, Ismail Haniya, promised all foreign aid would be spent on daily needs - not on attacking Israel - and would be subject to monitoring.

"We assure you that all the revenues will be spent on salaries, daily life and infrastructure. You can review this," he said.

European Union foreign policy chief Javier Solana said it could take up to three months for a new Palestinian government to be formed, and by then he hoped to see progress by Hamas.

"If these conditions are met then we stand ready to continue [to fund the Palestinian Authority]," he said.

"If [Hamas] do not change then it will be very difficult," he added.

1: World Bank $85m

2: Isr/Pal integration $12m

3: UN relief (UNRWA) $77m

4: Food aid $35m

5: Humanitarian aid $33m

6: Special projects $24m

7: Infrastructure $72m

8: Member states $262m

EU TOTAL: $600m

1: 2003/04 rollover $175m

2: PA debts $20m

3: Gaza infrastructure $50m

4: USAID projects $155m

US TOTAL: $400m

Sources: EU, US

Berita - One Ahmed Yassin Dead, 15 Born

2006-01-30T13:34:00.000+11:00

A Palestinian mother carries her newborn Ahmad Yassin

By Ahmad Abu Aklin, IOL Correspondent

GAZA CITY, March 24 (IslamOnline.net) – At least 15 newborn babies have been named after Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, the spiritual leader of Hamas, since his assassination in an Israeli air strike few days ago.

Palestinian mothers have given birth to eight Ahmad Yassins in Al-Shifaa hospital in Gaza City over the past 48 hours alone and seven others were registered in hospitals across the Gaza Strip, hospital sources told IslamOnline.net Wednesday, March 24.

The deputy director of Al-Shifaa hospital’s obstetrics department, Dr. Akram Al-Husseini, said five babies were given the name of Sheikh Yassin the day after his assassination.

The 66-year-old wheelchair-bound Yassin was assassinated along with eight others in an Israeli missile strike on his way home after performing the dawn prayers.

“Even pregnant women are praying to have baby boys to name them after Ahmad Yassin,” he said.

Al-Husseini added that a Palestinian mother, Noha Yassin, was the first to give her baby the name just 30 minutes after the ugly Israeli crime.

The father, Jabr Yassin, told IOL he is proud to name his baby after the slain resistance figure.

“Sheikh Yassin is a symbol of Palestine and I take pride in naming my baby after him…It’s indeed a source of pride for all Muslims,” the jubilant father added.

Backlash

Jabr added that he feared no backlash after giving his baby the name.

“I fear no future consequences as a result. All I want is to bring up my son in the footsteps of Sheikh Ahmad Yassin,” he said.

The mother agreed, hoping that her son would have the character traits of Sheikh Yassin.

“I pray that Yassin would be a good omen for our family,” she said.

Following Yassin’s assassination, IOL received a myriad of e-mails, wishing all pregnant Muslim women worldwide to name their baby boys after the veteran leader.

The assassination of Yassin prompted the biggest public funeral in Gaza’s history.

The occupied Palestinian territories observed Wednesday a third day of mourning with shops and schools closed.

All Palestinian factions pledged an all-out war against Israel, saying Israeli Premier Ariel Sharon's head was high on the list.

Israel was gripped by fear as the resistance factions said it would only be a matter of time before translating their threats to avenge the assassination of Yassin into action.

Berita - Hamas Claims Vote Victory, Fatah Acknowledges

2006-01-26T19:51:00.000+11:00

Islamonline.net - Hamas supporters celebrate the group's victory in the Palestinian elections Additional Reporting By Mustafa el-Sawwaf, IOL Correspondent GAZA CITY, January 26, 2006 (IslamOnline.net & News Agencies) – Hamas has won an absolute majority of seats in the Palestinian legislative elections, said a Hamas official on Thursday, January 26, , according to initial results, with the mainstream Fatah acknowledging for Hamas victory. "Hamas has won more than 70 seats in Gaza and the West Bank, which gives it more than 50 percent of the vote", Ismail Haniyeh, who headed Hamas's list in the Palestinian elections, told Reuters. Sami Abu Zuhri, spokesman for the faction, said Hamas won at least 43 seats in constituencies and more than 45 percent of the remainder of seats which are being elected via party lists. The combined total would give Hamas's Change and Reform list 75 seats in the Ramallah-based Palestinian Legislative Council. Of the 132 seats in parliament up for grabs, 66 were elected on a constituency basis and 66 via proportional representation-style lists. "This is a victory of the Palestinian people who voted against the occupation (by Israel in the West Bank), who voted for resistance, who voted for a new political system based on political partnership," said Haniyeh. Such results would put Hamas in a position to set the shape of a Palestinian government, he added. The Palestinian electoral commission had no immediate comment but was expected to issue official results later on Thursday for the 132-member parliament. On Wednesday, exit polls showed Hamas had won at least 53 seats and that Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas's Fatah, which has dominated Palestinian politics for decades, had got 58. Fatah Acknowledges Mahmoud Al-Zahar, senior Hamas official, said the group's Change and Reform list has made a breakthrough in Wednesday's vote. "The Change and Reform list is advancing in the West Bank and Gaza Strip," he told IslamOnline.net. "Hamas has won over all other runners in the polls." Mainstream Fatah movement has acknowledged Hamas victory in Wednesday's legislative elections. "Hamas has beaten Fatah in the elections," a senior Fatah official told AFP on condition of anonymity. Another Fatah candidate also agreed that Hamas had won the vote. "They have won more seats than us in the legislative council," he said also on condition of anonymity. New Government "Hamas has won more than 70 seats in Gaza and the West Bank, which gives it more than 50 percent of the vote", Haniyeh said The election results would put Hamas in a position to set the shape of the future Palestinian government. "In the light of these first results, we will consult president (Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas) Abu Mazen and the Fatah brothers on the type of political partnership," Haniya said. "We are also going to talk to parliamentary groups about the nature of this political partnership," he added. One Hamas source told AFP that a decision on the movement's participation in the incoming administration would be taken "today or tomorrow" but would "probably be favorable". The United States and the European Union have assured Israel they will not recognize any Palestinian government in which Hamas participates. EU Foreign Policy Chief Javier Solana warned on December 18, that if Hamas wins the polls, it will be "very difficult that help and the money that goes to ... the Palestinian Authority will continue to flow". Two days before, the US House of Representatives threatened the PA that it risked losing US financial aid and other support if it allowed Hamas to contest the polls.

Berita - Majlis Fatwa harus terus maju, gagah berani sebagai sebuah institusi Islam

2006-01-24T20:09:00.000+11:00

Dakwah-Info - Majlis fatwa kebangsaan nampaknya melakukan satu tindakan bijak dengan mengharamkam muzik black metal di khalayak ramai baru-baru ini. Tindakan tegas ini seharusnya di sokong oleh semua pihak, terutamanya para muslimin, dan terus di dokong untuk membanteras salah satu daripada aliran perosak remaja Islam. Muzik black metal telah menyerap ke dada ramai remaja islam dan amat membahayakan kerana pembawaaannya bukan setakat muzik, bahkan cara hidup yang menyeleweng dan sesat, yang sepatutnya di banteras daripada kamus kehidupan Islam.

Gejala Black Metal yang sebenarnya sudah bertapak lama di Malaysia kini semakin berkembang, terutamanya kepada remaja melayu Islam, yang akhirnya membuahkan remaja-remaja yang tidak kenal erti Islam dan perjuangan. Menghabiskan masa pada pada gaya kehidupan yang tidak membawa erti kepada kebangkitan Islam, bahkan melumpuhkan nilai-nilai Iman dan Islam di dada remaja muslim. Rentak muzik dan gaya kehidupan yang sepadu pada aliran black metal menyesatkan ramai remaja muslim tidak kira pelajar sekolah agama, harian mahpun siswazah universiti. Tindakan susulan yang berani dan tegas harus di perhatikan selepas ini unutk memastikan fatwa ini mampu di laksanakan oleh semua pihak. Tindakan majlis fatwa kebangsaan dalam menangani isu ini harap di teruskan selanjutkan dengan pengharaman dan pembasmian segala agen-agen perosak umat Islam yang tersebar di Malaysia, bukan sahaja black metal, bahkan akademi-akademi yang tidak memdidik aqidah remaja Islam. Mudah-mudahan usaha ini menjadi batu loncatan pada usaha majlis fatwa sebagai institusi yang mampu menangani masalah umat, dan membari nafas baru kepada kaum muslimin insyallah.

Publikasi Kartun Nabi Muhammad, Persatuan Ulama Internasional Ancam Boikot Denmark dan Norwegia

2006-01-23T19:46:00.000+11:00

23 Jan 2006 12:00 WIB

Publikasi kartun nabi Muhammad di harian Jyllands-Posten terbitan Denmark dan majalah Kristen Magazinet terbitan Norwegia, masih berbuntut panjang. Setelah beredar ajakan boikot produk Denmark melalui SMS dan email di Arab Saudi sebagai bentuk protes publikasi kartun itu, kini ancaman boikot itu juga dilontarkan oleh International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS). IUMS bukan hanya mengancam akan mengkampanyekan boikot produk-produk Denmark tapi juga produk-produk Norwegia.

"Kami mendesak para pejabat di Denmark dan Norwegia untuk segera mengambil tindakan tegas terhadap penghinaan yang sudah berulang kali dilakukan terhadap umat Islam dan Nabi Muhammad Saw yang memiliki pengikut lebih dari 1,3 milyar orang di seluruh dunia. Atau, IUMS akan mengerahkan jutaan umat Islam di seluruh dunia untuk memboikot semua produk-produk dan jasa dari Denmark dan Norwegia, " demikian bunyi pernyataan yang dikeluarkan IUMS pada Sabtu (21/1).

Sebagai langkah awal, IUMS menghimbau negara-negara Arab dan Muslim untuk tidak ikut serta dalam pameran Timur Tengah yang diselenggarakan oleh Danish Center for Culture and Development.

IUMS dalam pernyataannya mengatakan, pernyataan yang dikeluarkan oleh Perdana Menteri Denmark, Anders Fogh Rasmussen atas persoalan kartun yang kontroversial itu belum cukup. IUMs menginginkan pernyataan maaf yang jelas dari pemerintah Denmark.

"Perdana Menteri hanya menegaskan kembali komitmennya terhadap kebebasan berekspresi dan mengecam adanya pernyataan atau tindakan terhadap kelompok atau orang tertentu berdasarkan agama dan etnisnya," tulis IUMS dalam keterangan resminya.

Menurut IUMS, 'pernyataan yang tidak jelas' dari PM Rasmussen menjadi bagian dari upaya untuk menghindari secara langsung persoalan kartun Nabi Muhammad yang menghina Islam dan umat Islam dengan mengungkapkan persoalan minoritas secara umum saja.

"Ini melukai perasaan ratusan juta umat Islam di seluruh dunia dan sekitar 180 ribu warga Muslim di Denmark yang mewakili 3 persen populasi di negara itu."

IUMS meminta pemerintah negara-negara Arab dan Muslim untuk melakukan semua tekanan politik dan diplomatik yang mungkin terhadap Denmark dan Norwegia untuk menghentikan segala bentuk kampanye yang bernuansa anti Islam.

Selain IUMS, Al-Azhar Mesir sebelumnya juga mengancam akan membawa persoalan kartun Nabi Muhammad ini ke PBB dan organisasi-organisasi hak asasi manusia.

Baru-baru ini, lima anggota yang mewakili 21 Islamic Center dan organisasi Islam di Denmark mengunjungi sejumlah negara-negara Arab dan Muslim untuk menggalang dukungan terhadap kasus pemuatan kartun Nabi Muhammad di Jyllands-Posten. Pemuka Islam di Denmark, Abdul Rahman Abu Laban pada bulan November lalu menyatakan bahwa warga minoritas Muslim di Denmark akan membawa masalah kartun ini ke tingkat intenasional untuk mencegah kemungkinan kampanye anti Islam yang sama dikemudian hari. (ln/iol)

sumber: eramuslim.com

Hamas Bantah Akui Eksistensi Israel di Palestina

2006-01-23T19:45:00.000+11:00

23 Jan 2006 08:31 WIB

Menteri Luar Negeri Mesir, Ahmad Abul Ghaiz mengatakan bahwa Hamas kini telah mengakui eksistensi Israel dan kelak akan melaju ke meja perundingan dengan Israel. Tapi pernyataan itu ditolak oleh Hamas dengan perkataan, “Masalah pengakuan eksistensi Israel tidak dikeluarkan dari para kader Hamas.”

Menurut Abul Ghaiz dalam wawancara dengan harian Asy Syarq Awsath (21/1), bergabungnya Hamas dalam agenda perdamaian di Palestina, akan merubah peta politik dan pemikiran secara besar di Palestina. “Saya percaya bahwa Hamas akan mengakui eksistensi Israel. Saya juga yakin bahwa Hamas mampu hidup ko-eksistensi dengan pemikiran perundingan dengan Israel.”

Ia juga menegaskan, “Tidak ada alasan untuk meragukan hal ini, apalagi Hamas sebelumnya telah menerima langkah gencatan senjata untuk menyongsong perundingan.” Terkait dengan ancaman AS dan Eropa bahwa mereka akan memotong bantuan ke Palestina bila Hamas unggul dalam pemilu, Abul Ghaiz mengatakan, “Bagaimanapun pemilu harus tetap berjalan tanpa intervensi dari pihak luar.”

Terkait dengan pernyataan tersebut, Jubir Hamas Masyhir Al-Mashri, mengatakan “Hamas menegaskan bahwa masalah pengakuan terhaedap Israel itu tidak dikeluarkan dari kader Hamas, sementara sikap Hamas harus dikeluarkan dari pimpinan Hamas sendiri.” Menurutnya, masyarakat Palestina mampu menilai apa yang kini telah terjadi dengan Israel setelah berulangkali perundingan damai gagal membangun situasi politik Palestina dan gagal membungkam perlawanan.” Selain itu ia memandang, bagaimanapun dunia internasional akan terpaksa berinteraksi dengan Hamas sebagai bagian dari bangsa Palestina. “Agenda politik dan agenda perlawanan bersenjata tidak dapat dipisahkan,” tandasnya.

Seperti diberitakan sebelumnya, Hamas beberapa hari lalu meluncurkan agenda politiknya dalam pemilu legislatif, yang akan berlangsung pada 25 Januari mendatang. Dalam agenda tersebut, Hamas tidak memasukkan kalimat “penghancuran Israel”, sehingga disinyalir oleh sejumlah media, bahwa Hamas telah mengalami perubahan visi dan misi perjuangannya yang selama ini ingin menumpas Israel yang menjajah Palestina. Tapi analisa itu juga ditampik oleh Hamas yang menegaskan bahwa Hamas merumuskan agenda politik tanpa penghancuran Israel, karena agenda tersebut berisi langkah-langkah yang akan ditempuh Hamas dalam 4 tahun sepanjang usia parlemen yang akan datang. Jadi, menurut Hamas, itu adalah agenda jangka pendek. Sedangkan agenda perjuangan jangka panjangnya, telah ditetapkan dalam manifesto perjuangan Hamas di saat kelahirannya, untuk menghancurkan Israel. (na-str/iol)

sumber: eramuslim.com

Israel Mulai Antisipasi Kemenangan Hamas

2006-01-23T19:41:00.000+11:00

23 Jan 2006 13:48 WIB

Penjajah Israel mulai mengkaji serius berbagai kemungkinan ke depan yang terjadi di tanah jajahannya, Palestina. Khususnya, jika gerakan Hamas yang selama ini sangat disegani karena perlawanannya yang begitu keras terhadap penjajahan, menang dalam pemilu legislatif di Palestina pada 25 Januari mendatang.

Wakil PM Israel Ehud Olmart meminta para pembantunya untuk merumuskan langkah-langkah darurat untuk mengantisipasi kemenangan Hamas dalam pemilu legislatif. Israel memandang, kemenangan Hamas sudah bisa diprediksi karena popularitasnya yang kian meningkat di kalangan masyarakat Palestina. Pesaing terbesar yang ada dalam peta politik Palestina saat ini hanya Hamas sebagai oposisi dan Fath sebagai partai pemerintah otorita.

Dalam pembahasan tentang kemungkinan kemenangan Hamas tersebut, Aljazeera mengemukakan bahwa Ehud Olmart telah meminta seluruh pembantu pemerintahannya agar tidak mengeluarkan pernyataan apapun terkait pemilu Palestina. “Kritikan terhadap pemilu, tidak akan berguna apapun, kecuali menambah kebesaran Hamas,” demikian ungkapan sejumlah petinggi Israel seperti dikutip Aljazeera. Di sisi lain, salah satu anggota Dewan Menteri Israel Chay Hanbe mengatakan, masuknya Hamas dalam parlemen Palestina akan membawa duka baik bagi dunia internasional maupun Palestina dan Israel, lantaran jalan perundingan akan semakin sulit.

Sementara itu, parlemen Eropa terus menggaungkan permintaannya kepada semua pihak di Palestina yang turut dalam pemilu, agar melepaskan kekerasan, terorisme dan komitmen untuk melucuti senjata. Puluhan wakil negara Eropa dalam suratnya kepada pemerintah Palestina, menyerukan agar Palestina bisa berdiri damai di sisi negara Israel. Mereka meminta agar semua pihak Palestina menghapus ideologi penghancuran Israel dalam agenda perjuangan mereka.

Calon legislatif Fath, Marwan Al-Bargutsi, yang masih menghuni penjara Israel beberapa waktu lalu menyerukan rakyat Palestina agar terlibat secara aktif dalam pemilu yang akan diselenggarakan pada hari Rabu (25/1). Menurutnya, keterlibatan rakyat Palestina dalam pemilu adalah salah satu bukti mereka mau menyambung perjuangan para syuhada dan perlawanan mengusir pendudukan Israel.

Prediksi kemenangan Hamas, semakin kuat bila pemilu dilakukan secara damai dan jujur. Namun Hamas hingga kini masih mengkritik ancaman AS dan Eropa terkait kesertaan mereka dalam pemilu. AS dan Eropa mengancam akan memutus bantuan kepada Palestina bila Hamas terlibat dalam pemilu. Jubir Hamas Sami Abu Zuhri menegaskan, ancaman itu benar-benar tindakan mencampuri urusan Palestina yang akan selalu ditolak Hamas, apapun alasannya. (na-str/aljzr)

sumber: eramuslim.com

Berita - Selama 5 Tahun Israel Hancurkan 71470 Rumah

2006-01-18T14:10:00.000+11:00

Infopalestina - Selama rentang lima tahun yaitu mulai tahun 2000 disaat terjadinya intifdahah al-Aqsha sampai akhir tahun 2005, Israel telah menghancurkan rumah-rumah warga Palestina, sebanyak 71470 rumah.

Data ini disampaikan pusat data statistik pemerintah Palestina. Dari data ini terungkap, sebanyak 645 bangunan dan pasilitas umum hancur akibat serangan Israel.

Sementara itu rumah yang rusak total mencapai, 7628 rumah. 4785 rumah diantaranya terdapat di wilayah Gaza.

Sedangkan bangunan pendidikan yang hancur akibat kejahatan Israel mencapai, 1125 sekolah dan lembaga pendidikan, 12 bangunan diantaranya terdiri dari sekolah dan perguruan tinggi.

Jumlah keseluruhan sekolah yang terkena serangan Israel berjumlah 316. Sedang sekolah yang dijadikan tangsi militer berjumlah 43 sekolah.

Dari kejahatan ini, sebanyak 844 murid sekolah dan mahasiswa terkena tembakan Israel.

Sementara jumlah keseluruhan mahasiswa, pelajar dan pegawai yang terkena tembakan serdadu Israel berjumlah 4809 orang.

Di sisi lain mereka juga melakukan penggusuran tanah dan perampokan lahan pertanian Palestina. luas tanah yang dirampok oleh mereka adalah, 76867 hektare. Sementara tanaman yang dihancurkan oleh tangan-tangan dingin mereka adalah, 1.355.290 pohon.

Mereka juga menghancurkan pabrik-pabrik pertanian berjumalh 770 buah. (pi/asy)

Berita - Ramai warga Perth peluk Islam

2006-01-16T20:18:00.000+11:00

CANBERRA: Beratus-ratus penduduk Australia, khususnya warga kulit putih sekitar Perth di barat negara itu kini memilih untuk memeluk Islam berbanding agama lain, menjadikan bilangan penduduk Islam di negara itu meningkat lebih 40 peratus sejak 1996. Akhbar The Sunday Times melaporkan semalam, ramai mualaf menganggap Islam mampu menjawab pelbagai persoalan berhubung aspek kerohanian selain menitik beratkan soal kemasyarakatan dan peraturan yang mudah diikuti.Sekurang-kurangnya 200 warga Perth menjadi mualaf dan tinggal di antara warga Muslim di Australia Barat yang berasal dari 70 negara di Asia Barat, Afrika, Asia dan timur Eropah.Biro Statistik Australia menyatakan, secara keseluruhan bilangan penduduk Islam negara itu meningkat lebih 40 peratus bagi tempoh 1996-2001.“Agama Islam menetapkan peraturan bagi setiap aspek kehidupan. Ia mempunyai garis panduan untuk umatnya berkelakuan baik, termasuk kepada mereka di sekeliling. Kitab Injil ada menyatakannya, tetapi kerana terlalu banyak terjemahan, isinya seakan lari.“Namun paling penting, dalam Islam tidak wujud sebarang perbezaan atau soal hierarki atau mereka yang lebih tinggi daripada saya. “Semua umat itu sama. Memang Islam ada imam dan pegawai agama lain, tetapi soal kehidupan seharian adalah antara umat Islam dengan Allah,” kata mualaf, Axel Cremer, 50.Malah Cremer atau nama Islamnya Mohammed, sebelum ini sering mengejutkan jemaah di Masjid Rivervale, apabila melintasi dengan bunyi bising motosikal Harley Davidson miliknya.Tetapi kini, jaket kulit dan imej ‘ganas’ yang dipamerkannya sebelum ini sudah lenyap, sehinggakan ada jemaah yang terkejut melihatnya berubah dan menjadi sebahagian daripada jemaah masjid itu. “Mereka juga tidak lagi mendengar deruman bising motosikal saya. Saya pun berasa lebih tenteram berbanding sebelumnya,” kata Pengarah Urusan sebuah firma ini. – AgensiCremer adalah antara beratus-ratus warga Australia Barat yang memilih memeluk Islam biarpun agama itu dan umatnya dikelilingi pelbagai tanggapan negatif selepas kejadian 11 September, 2001. – Agensi sumber: bharian.com.my

Ilmuwan Islam: Ibnu Al-Syatir pencipta astrolab

2006-01-16T20:15:00.000+11:00

IBNU Al-Syatir adalah astronomi Islam yang sangat penting. Beliau berjaya menjelaskan teori planet serta mencipta peralatan astronomi yang digunakan mereka yang mendalami serta mengkaji ilmu astronomi. Penguasaan beliau dalam ilmu matematik serta kejuruteraan membolehkan Ibnu Al-Syatir mendalami ilmu astronomi dan menghasilkan astrolab, alat yang digunakan untuk mengira jarak bintang dengan lebih tepat.Astrolab adalah peralatan kuno untuk mengukur ketinggian bintang di langit. Ia berbentuk cakera diperbuat daripada kayu atau logam yang tepinya ada ukuran darjah dan di tengahnya jarum penunjuk boleh bergerak.Menggunakan ilmu pengetahuannya, Ibnu Al-Syatir membuat pembetulan alat penunjuk waktu menggunakan bayang-bayang matahari di atas permukaan jam yang dinamakan mizwalah.Berdasarkan pengetahuannya juga, Ibnu Al-Syatir berjaya memberi penjelasan teori ilmu astronomi, matematik dan geografi Yunani serta Mesir.Malah, beliau membuat pembetulan terhadap teori Kaleodos Ptolemeus yang mengatakan bahawa bumi adalah pusat peredaran planet serta bintang yang ada di langit secara teratur.Hasil pengamatan Ibnu Al-Syatir terhadap planet luar seperti Marikh, Musytari dan Zuhal, beliau berjaya menemukan bukti bahawa bumi bukan pusat peredaran sebaliknya, semua planet mengelilingi matahari.Memang pada mulanya penemuan beliau dianggap pelik, tetapi apabila Ibnu Al-Syatir memberikan ulasan mengenai kesilapan teori Ptolemeus, kehebatan ilmunya dikagumi tokoh ilmuwan lain.Bagaimanapun, wujud salah faham apabila penemuan Ibnu Al-Syatir tidak banyak diperkatakan menyebabkan ramai mengatakan teori bumi mengelilingi matahari ditemukan ahli ilmu falak Poland, Copernicus.Orientalis Inggeris, David King, yang membuat kajian mengenai hasil penemuan ilmuwan Islam menyatakan kebanyakan teori yang dikaitkan dengan Copernicus sebenarnya diambil daripada ilmuwan Islam bernama Ibnu Al-Syatir.Malah, kajian terhadap manuskrip Arab di Poland pada 1973 menunjukkan Copernicus mengambil hasil penemuan dalam buku itu dan menyandarkan pendapat berkenaan kepada dirinya.Ibnu Al-Syatir juga berjaya mencipta alat untuk mengetahui waktu solat yang dinamakan al-Basit yang kemudian diletakkan di menara azan Masjid Umawi di Damsyik.Selain itu, beliau turut mengarang 30 jenis buku antaranya Risalah fi Ta’liq al-Arsad, Urjuzah fi al-Kawakib, Risalah ‘an Sun al-Usturlab, Kitab al-Mukhtasar fi Sun al-Usturlab dan Risalah fi Usul ‘Ilm al-Ustrlab.Malangnya, semua buku hasil karya tokoh ilmuwan yang dikagumi ramai itu hilang.Ibnu Al-Syatir yang pernah dipelihara bapa saudaranya, seorang pengukir, selepas kematian bapa ketika umur enam tahun turut menguasai ilmu kesenian ukiran sehingga berjaya menghasilkan kemewahan.Beliau mahir menghasilkan seni ukiran menggunakan gading yang diminati golongan kaya dan sanggup membeli pada harga tinggi.Menggunakan hasil seni ukiran itulah, Ibnu Al-Syatir mengelilingi dunia dan mengunjungi banyak negara termasuk Iskandariah untuk menimba ilmu pengetahuan. PROFILNAMA: Abu Al-Hasan Alauddin Ali bin Muhammad Al-Ansari GELARAN: Ibnu Al-Syatir TARIKH LAHIR: 704 Hijrah bersamaan 1304 Masihi TEMPAT LAHIR: Damsyik, Syria MENINGGAL DUNIA: 777 Hijrah bersamaan 1375 Masihi SUMBANGAN: Mencipta peralatan astronomi dan memberi penjelasan teori bahawa planet mengelilingi matahari, bukan bumi

Pengetahuan - Azarbaijan Rebutan antara Rusia dan Armenia

2006-01-12T12:17:00.000+11:00

Azarbaijan adalah negeri berpegunungan tinggi, batas asalnya adalah sungai Samur di sebelah Utara dan pegunungan Bohrah di Selatan, serta laut Kaspia (al-Khazar) di Timur dan danau Armenia di sebelah Barat, luas wilayahnya hampir mencapai 200 ribu km². Sebagian besar wilayahnya merupakan pegunungan, sungai Aras membagi dua wilayah negara ini menjadi, pemerintahan Utara dan Selatan. Suku2 di Azarbaijan terdiri atas 90% suku Azar, 3.2% Daghestan, Rusia 2.5%, Armenia 2% dan suku bangsa lainnya sekitar 2.3%.

Bahasa yg digunakan oleh masyarakat adalah 89% berbahasa Azar, 3% berbahasa Rusia, 2% berbahasa Armenia dan bahasa lainnya sekitar 0.6%. Islam merupakan agama mayoritas penduduknya, sensus tahun 1995 mencatat jumlah kaum muslimin mencapai 93.4%, Rusia Ortodoks 2.5%, sisanya agama Kristen Armani 2.3% dan lainnya 1.8%.

Sebelum penaklukan Islam, bangsa Azarbaijan diperintah oleh kerajaan Sasanid yang merebutnya dari penguasaan Bizantium sekitar th 380-M. Sampai kemudian kaum muslimin mulai membuka Asia Tengah dengan ditaklukannya Madain (di wilayah Persia) pada tahun 16-H (637-M) yang disusul dengan kemenangan gilang-gemilang pasukan muslimin terhadap Nahrawand pada th 20-H (641-M).

Sampailah pada era penaklukan Rusia terhadap Azarbaijan dan pembunuhan terhadap ribuan ulama serta pemimpin Islam dan dimulailah penguasaan negara ini oleh pemerintahan despotis. Maka mulailah kaum muslimin melakukan mobilisasi dan menyerukan persatuan untuk kemerdekaan dengan menggunakan berbagai sarana termasuk media massa seperti koran dan majalah seperti majalah Ekinci, Adh-Dhiya', Kuschkul dll.

Tumbuh dan berkembangnya para intelektual kelas menengah terdidik baik dari kalangan Islam maupun nasionalis, diantaranya seperti Ahmad Agauglo, Hasan Yaizardaby, Hasyim Wazir dan Muhammad Amin Rasul Zadeh menyulutkan peperangan merebut kemerdekaan sejak tahun 1904 dan 1911 yang dihadapi oleh tentara pemerintah Rusia. Sampai dilepasnya Azarbaijan pada tahun 1920, tetapi tetap dikuasai oleh pemerintahan boneka Soviet.

Kuatir terhadap kembalinya kaum muslimin ke pentas politik, maka pemerintahan baru melakukan pengetatan dan tekanan terhadap pengajaran keislaman, melalui pelarangan penggunaan bahasa Azari yg huruf-hurufnya menggunakan huruf Arab dan mewajibkan semua lembaga pendidikan Islam (pesantren) untuk menggunakan huruf latin pada tahun 1929. Kemudian mewajibkan mempelajari bahasa tradisional pada tahun 1940. Sampai ketika pada akhirnya Rusia memerdekakan negara tersebut pada tahun 1953, maka pemerintah sekular yang condong melayani kepentingan asing mewajibkan rakyatnya menggunakan bahasa Rusia baik dalam administrasi pemerintahan maupun percakapan sehari-hari.

Tidak berhenti sampai disitu, pemerintah sekular Azarbaijan kemudian memusnahkan semua buku-buku berbahasa Arab dan buku-buku sejarah yang memuat tentang pengaruh Islam di negara tersebut, sehingga ketika semangat kebangkitan Islam mulai masuk ke negara tersebut sejak tahun 1989, generasi muda Islam kesulitan untuk melakukan penyadaran keislaman masyarakat karena kurangnya literatur keislaman, rendahnya pemahaman tentang Islam serta minimnya kemampuan membaca dan berbahasa Arab.***

Sumber: al-ikhwan.net

Peringatan - Pendakwah perlu berperangai baik berbanding ucapan

2006-01-12T12:14:00.000+11:00

DARIPADA Usamah bin Zaid bahawa beliau pernah mendengar Nabi Muhammad SAW bersabda bermaksud: “Pada hari kiamat kelak seseorang itu akan dicampakkan ke dalam neraka, maka keluarlah ususnya dan dia berputar-putar seperti seekor keldai mengelilingi batu kisaran. Penghuni neraka lainnya pun menghampirinya dan bertanya: “Wahai saudara, mengapa ini semua terjadi? Bukankah saudara adalah orang yang pernah menyuruh kepada perkara makruf (kebaikan) dan mencegah perkara yang mungkar (kejahatan)?” Maka dia menjawab: “Benar, akulah yang pernah menyuruh kamu berbuat makruf dan melarang kamu berbuat kemungkaran, tetapi aku sendiri yang melanggarnya.” (Hadis riwayat Bukhari dan Muslim)

Dalam usaha membina individu dan mendidik masyarakat, Islam amat mementingkan ketinggian akhlak seperti benar dalam percakapan dan tindakan, penuh rasa tanggungjawab (amanah), menepati janji, toleransi, pemaaf, penyantun dan sebagainya. Seorang pendakwah itu hendaklah mendahulukan contoh perbuatannya daripada ucapannya. Hal ini kerana dakwah melalui perangai atau akhlak yang baik (qudwah hasanah) adalah cara paling berkesan kepada masyarakat yang akan menjadikannya sebagai contoh (idola) untuk diikuti. Sesungguhnya orang yang pernah menyuruh orang lain berbuat baik, sementara dirinya sendiri melanggarnya adalah orang yang bakal menempuh seksaan yang amat berat di hari akhirat kelak. Keadaannya samalah seperti ‘ketam yang mengajar anaknya berjalan lurus‘. Oleh itu, hiasilah diri dengan akhlak yang terpuji, penampilan yang baik, etika pergaulan yang bersopan dan sifat mulia lain supaya tidak tergolong di kalangan orang yang ‘cakap tak serupa bikin’!. SUMBER: Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia//bharian.com.my Persoalan: Apakah yang akan berlaku jika kita semua buat apa yang kita katakan?

Berita - Nuklear: AS rujuk Iran ke PBB

2006-01-12T12:11:00.000+11:00

WASHINGTON 11 Jan. - Amerika Syarikat (AS) memberi amaran bahawa Iran tidak akan terlepas daripada dirujukkan kepada Majlis Keselamatan Pertubuhan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu (PBB) jika ia meneruskan rancangan melakukan kerja-kerja nuklear.

Pentadbiran Presiden George W. Bush semalam mendakwa bahawa negaranya mempunyai ``hubungan rapat'' dengan rakan-rakannya seperti Britain, Jerman dan Perancis bagi membincangkan tindakan Iran mengalihkan sita PBB dari kelengkapan yang digunakan untuk proses pengayaan uranium.

``Jika kerajaan Iran meneruskan tindakan... tidak ada pilihan lain kecuali terpaksa merujukkan perkara ini kepada Majlis Keselamatan PBB,'' kata jurucakap White House, Scott Mcclellan.

Beliau menambah, AS ``berhubung rapat dengan rakan-rakan Eropahnya untuk bertindak'' di Agensi Tenaga Atom Antarabangsa (IAEA).

Bagaimanapun McClellan memberitahu, pada masa sekarang Bush tidak bercadang melancarkan serangan ke atas Iran, tetapi menambah, pilihan tindakan ketenteraan masih terbuka.

Beliau mendakwa, AS pada masa sekarang berusaha dengan masyarakat antarabangsa untuk menyelesaikan isu Iran secara aman dan melalui saluran diplomatik.

Bagaimanapun pentadbiran AS tidak menyatakan sama ada rundingan dengan sekutu Eropahnya meliputi mesyuarat tergempar dengan IAEA, serta menjadi faktor pendesak bagi mempengaruhi keputusan Majlis Keselamatan.

``Saya fikir kita memasuki jangka masa tekanan diplomatik dalam persoalan ini,'' kata seorang pegawai kanan Jabatan Negara AS.

``Terdapat rundingan pada peringkat politik dan lebih banyak rundingan peringkat menteri.''

Tindakan Iran mengalihkan sita pada peralatan di loji di Natanz, Teheran mencetuskan kebimbangan Barat bahawa ia bersungguh-sungguh melakukan proses pengayaan uranium. - AFP

Sumber: utusan.com.my

Persoalan: Ada negara lain yang mempunyai kuasa nuclear yang jauh lagi hebat (ref: israel)

Berita - Pengundian Baitulmaqdis: Israel belum putuskan

2006-01-12T12:04:00.000+11:00

Pengundian Baitulmaqdis: Israel belum putuskan

BAITULMAQDIS 11 Jan. - Kabinet Israel akan menjalankan pengundian minggu hadapan sama ada untuk membenarkan rakyat Palestin di sini mengundi pada pilihan raya Parlimen Palestin pada 25 Januari ini.

Pemangku Perdana Menteri Israel, Ehud Olmert menyatakan pendirian itu kepada Setiausaha Negara Amerika Syarikat (AS), Condoleezza Rice dalam satu perbualan telefon.

Katanya, Kabinet Israel akan mengundi mengenai perkara itu dalam mesyuarat mingguannya pada Ahad ini.

Pengumuman Olmert mengenai perkara itu timbul sehari sebelum sekumpulan utusan khas dari AS dijangka tiba di Israel untuk menyelesaikan pertikaian tersebut.

Keputusan berkenaan jelas menunjukkan percanggahan pendapat yang dinyatakan oleh pegawai-pegawai Israel sebelum ini.

Semalam, Menteri Pertahanan Israel, Shaul Mofaz memberitahu, polisi Israel terhadap pilihan raya di timur Baitulmaqdis kekal dan tidak ada perubahan yang dibuat.

Ini bermakna rakyat Palestin di Baitulmaqdis dibenarkan untuk mengundi seperti mana yang telah dilakukan pada pilihan raya sebelum ini.

Bagaimanapun, Menteri Luar Israel, Silvan Shalom pula menafikan terdapat sebarang persetujuan diberikan untuk membenarkan rakyat Palestin di Baitulmaqdis keluar mengundi.

``Kami (Israel) berpendapat ketika Perdana Menteri Ariel Sharon masih berkuasa sebagai pembuat dasar, rakyat Palestin di timur Baitulmaqdis tidak akan dibenarkan untuk mengundi tetapi hanya di kampung bersempadan dengan Tebing Barat,'' katanya. - AP

Sumber: utusan.com.my

Persoalan: Rakyat sendiri tidak dibenarkan mengundi di tanah air mereka?

Info - Sains bukti sembelihan Islam kaedah terbaik

2006-01-09T16:22:00.000+11:00

Oleh Meor Hisham Zulkifli (BHarian)

Umat Islam akan menyambut Aidiladha esok ketika masyarakat bukan Islam di Barat terus mempersoalkan mengapa Islam membenarkan perbuatan kejam dan ganas terhadap haiwan.

Barat termasuk aktivis hak asasi haiwan menganggap perbuatan menyembelih haiwan yang dilakukan umat Islam mempamerkan sikap tidak berperikemanusiaan kerana banyak darah tertumpah ke bumi terutama ketika amalan korban pada Aidiladha. Malah, ketika kempen keganasan sibuk dilancarkan oleh Barat, mereka menggunakan alasan amalan korban ini sebagai satu daripada hujah mereka bagi membuktikan betapa Islam mengajar umatnya menjadi ganas. Di Barat, undang-undang mereka memperuntukkan supaya haiwan dikenakan kejutan elektrik di kepala sebelum dibunuh, kononnya bagi memastikan haiwan itu pengsan terlebih dulu sebelum ia dibunuh. Selain itu, kononnya tindakan mereka itu bertujuan untuk menghalang binatang berasa sakit sebelum ia mati. Tetapi sekali lagi apakah pandangan Barat ini benar? Pendirian Islam mengenai apa yang boleh dimakan dan apa yang diharamkan adalah jelas terutama membabitkan daging. Dalam Surah al-Maidah ayat 5, Allah menyatakan: �Diharamkan kepada kamu (memakan) bangkai, dan darah, dan daging babi, dan binatang-binatang yang disembelih kerana yang lain dari Allah, dan yang mati tercekik, dan mati dipukul, dan mati jatuh, dan mati ditanduk, dan yang mati dimakan binatang buas, kecuali yang sempat kamu sembelih, dan yang disembelih atas nama berhala.� (Tafsir al-Rahman, Jakim). Selain itu, Islam juga mengharamkan memakan daging haiwan tanpa disembelih seperti mencucuk leher, menghempap dengan batu atau cara selain daripada sembelihan. Islam mengajar supaya sembelihan dilakukan dengan pisau tajam bagi memotong bahagian leher untuk memutuskan dua urat utama atau urat mareh. Kaedah ini dikaji pakar Jerman. Pakar itu, Profesor Wilhelm Schulze dan rakannya, Dr Hazim di Sekolah Perubatan Veterinar, Universiti Hannover, Jerman, mencari kaedah terbaik proses mematikan haiwan bagi mendapatkan daging yang bersih dan segar. Kajian itu bertajuk, `Cubaan untuk mengesan kesakitan dan rasa sedar mengikut kaedah konvensional dan agama ketika menyembelih lembu atau kambing�, menyimpulkan kaedah Islam terbaik kerana lebih berperikemanusiaan. Mereka menyimpulkan bahawa amalan mengenakan kejutan elektrik ke atas haiwan sebelum dibunuh seperti yang diamalkan oleh Barat, mendatangkan kesakitan yang amat sangat pada haiwan. Dalam kajian itu, beberapa alat pengesan dipasang di pelbagai tempat pada otak haiwan. Alat itu dimasukkan menerusi pembedahan khas dan haiwan terbabit dibiarkan untuk pulih selama beberapa minggu. Beberapa ekor haiwan itu disembelih mengikut kaedah Islam menggunakan tindakan pantas, memotong urat leher dengan pisau tajam. Beberapa ekor haiwan lain dibunuh mengikut kaedah barat menggunakan Pistol Kejutan (CBP). Ketika ujian dijalankan, rekod electroencephalograph (EEG) dan electrocardiogram (ECG) dicatatkan bagi mengetahui keadaan otak dan jantung semua haiwan terbabit ketika proses penyembelihan dan kaedah CBP. Hasil ujian mendapati menurut kaedah Islam, tiga saat pertama ketika disembelih, EEG tidak mencatatkan sebarang perubahan pada graf sama seperti sebelum penyembelihan. Keadaan itu membayangkan bahawa haiwan itu tidak berasa sebarang kesakitan ketika atau sebaik saja pisau memotong urat leher terbabit. Untuk tiga saat kedua, EEG mencatatkan keadaan tidur lena atau tidak sedar diri. Ini disebabkan banyak darah mengalir keluar dari badan. Selepas enam saat, EEG mencatatkan paras sifar, menunjukkan haiwan itu tidak merasai sebarang kesakitan. Ketika mesej otak (EEG) jatuh ke paras sifar, jantung masih mengepam dan badan haiwan masih dapat bergerak akibat tindak balas daripada saraf tunjang, menyebabkan semua darah keluar dari badan haiwan menghasilkan daging yang selamat untuk dimakan, menurut penyelidikan itu. Bagaimanapun, ketika mengkaji kaedah CBP, haiwan dikesan terus pengsan sebaik saja menerima tembakan CBP dan EEG menunjukkan bacaan amat sakit pada haiwan itu. Jantung haiwan itu berhenti berdenyut lebih awal selepas terkena kejutan berbanding haiwan yang disembelih. Keadaan itu menyebabkan banyak darah masih terkumpul dalam daging dan ia sebenarnya tidak selamat untuk dimakan. Kajian terbaru juga menunjukkan kaedah mematikan haiwan yang digunakan oleh Barat dan bukan Islam, turut dikatakan menjadi punca kepada penularan wabak penyakit lembu gila daripada haiwan kepada manusia. Kaitan ini didedahkan menerusi kajian yang dijalankan oleh Universiti Texas A&M dan Agensi Pemeriksaan Makanan Kanada. Ia menyatakan, kaedah kejutan pneumatik (iaitu menembak bola besi ke otak lembu diikuti dengan mengenakan tekanan udara tinggi) menyebabkan kerosakan tisu otak serta saraf tunjang haiwan itu. Laporan ini amat menggemparkan kerana tisu otak dan saraf tunjang adalah bahagian yang paling terjejas teruk kerana dijangkiti penyakit lembu gila dan apabila ia hancur akibat kaedah berkenaan, bakteria serta protein penyakit lembu gila akan merebak ke daging. Malah, lebih menggemparkan, kaedah ini digunakan ke atas 30 hingga 40 peratus lembu yang dimatikan untuk diambil dagingnya di Amerika Syarikat. Malah, kajian lain yang dijalankan di seluruh dunia juga mendapati daging menjadi lebih lembut berbanding daging yang tidak disembelih menurut Islam seperti ujian yang dijalankan ke atas ayam sembelih dan tidak sembelih. Kajian terbabit jelas membuktikan bahawa penyembelihan menurut kaedah Islam adalah cara yang terbaik bukan saja untuk kebaikan haiwan itu sendiri tetapi juga memberi manfaat kesihatan kepada manusia. Selain itu, Islam mengenakan beberapa langkah lain bagi memastikan penyembelihan ini dapat disempurnakan dengan lebih baik. Dalam aspek ini, Nabi Muhammad SAW pernah mengarahkan supaya sentiasa belas kasihan terhadap haiwan dengan memastikan pisau yang digunakan benar-benar tajam bagi mengurangkan rasa sakit. Islam menjelaskan, proses menyembelih perlu dilakukan dengan pantas bagi memutuskan salur darah ke saraf otak kerana saraf ini yang menghantar mesej kesakitan kepada otak. Dengan itu, haiwan tidak akan berasa sakit ketika disembelih. Pergerakan dan kekejangan yang berlaku selepas haiwan itu disembelih, bukan akibat kesakitan tetapi akibat denyutan diikuti keadaan tenang. Proses itu menyebabkan darah dikeluarkan dari badan sepenuhnya, kata Dr Aisha El-Awady, yang menulis dalam Islamonline pada 2003. Selain itu, Sunnah Nabi Muhammad SAW juga menegaskan, adalah tidak wajar seseorang penyembelih, menajamkan pisaunya di depan haiwan yang akan disembelih atau menyembelih seekor haiwan itu di depan haiwan lain. Menjelaskan lagi proses penyembelihan Islam, Dr Aisha menyatakan, kaedah Islam juga memastikan saluran udara, kerongkong dan dua urat leher dipotong tanpa menjejaskan saraf tunjang. �Kaedah ini membolehkan darah keluar membuak-buak dari badan haiwan dan menghasilkan daging yang bersih. �Jika saraf tunjang terputus, fiber saraf ke jantung akan rosak menyebabkan jantung terhenti dan darah akan terkumpul di dalam daging. Darah perlu dikeluarkan sepenuhnya sebelum kepala dicerahkan. Keadaan ini akan membersihkan daging itu kerana darah bertindak sebagai perantara kepada mikro organisma,� kata Aisha dalam kajiannya. Dengan bukti ini, seharusnya aktivis hak asasi Barat berkempen supaya menggunakan kaedah Islam ketika proses penyembelihan serta mensasarkan kecaman mereka terhadap kaedah selain daripada Islam yang terbukti kejam dan tidak berperikemanusiaan.

Berita - Sharon Pingsan Israel Terguncang

2006-01-09T10:15:00.000+11:00

Infopalestina.com - Perdana Menteri Ariel Sharon ternyata bukan sekadar politisi biasa lagi di Israel. Sebagai politisi, ia mengulang kecemerlangannya sebagai militer. Semua itu terungkap dan dirasakan ketika Sharon saat ini terkena stroke berat lalu mengalami pendarahan otak. Sharon butuh mukjizat untuk bisa sembuh dari sakitnya.

Jika sembuh pun, diramalkan Sharon tidak dapat kembali ke politik. Betapa Israel kini kalang kabut dan dilematis, baik di tingkat institusi negara maupun kalangan partai-partai politiknya. Timbul pertanyaan apakah Israel merupakan negara institusional atau negara yang mengandalkan pada kekuatan seseorang?

Sharon ternyata dirasakan telah menggenggam hampir semua kartu negara, baik politik, ekonomi, keuangan, keamanan, maupun sosial. Bahkan Sharon telah memegang kartu Palestina, menyusul munculnya kecemasan penundaan pemilu legislatif Palestina yang dijadwalkan digelar pada 25 Januari ini akibat sakitnya Sharon tersebut.

Dalam konteks komunitas partai politik, tidak dimungkiri bahwa Sharon adalah pemimpin tunggal yang sangat hegemonik dalam Partai Kadima yang diprediksi mendapat 40 kursi Knesset dalam pemilu 28 Maret mendatang sesuai dengan hasil berbagai jajak pendapat terakhir ini.

Partai Kadima dan Sharon ibarat dua sisi dari mata uang, mengingat belum terbangunnya sistem organisasi dan kepemimpinan partai pimpinan Sharon tersebut. Para analis meramalkan, perolehan Partai Kadima bakal anjlok jika Sharon meninggal. Pemimpin Partai Ahad beraliran kiri, Yossi Beilin, mengatakan, Sharon sangat menentukan Kadima.

Menurut Beilin, mangkatnya Sharon akan mengakhiri pula Partai Kadima dan peta politik Israel kembali lagi seperti semula, yakni terdiri dari Partai Buruh (kubu kiri), Partai Likud (kubu kanan), dan partai agama. Rakyat Israel pun, kata Beilin, akan kembali pula pada habitatnya masing-masing, yaitu ke kubu kiri, kanan, dan agama.

Pengamat urusan partai politik Israel Haim Tzahabi dalam wawancara dengan televisi Aljazeera mengatakan pula, jika Sharon meninggal dunia, Partai Kadima tidak akan memperoleh suara signifikan lagi dan tiga partai utama di Israel saat ini, yakni Partai Buruh, Partai Likud, dan Partai Kadima memperoleh suara seimbang pada pemilu 28 Maret nanti. Menurut Tzahabi, harus ada koalisi lagi di antara partai itu untuk membentuk pemerintahan mendatang, namun sulit ditebak siapa perdana menteri yang akan datang.

Sederet politisi pun ikut memikul kerugian dengan mangkatnya Sharon, seperti mantan Pemimpin Partai Buruh Shimon Peres, Menhan Shaul Mofaz, Mantan Kepala Shin Bet (dinas intelijen dalam negeri) Avi Dichter, dan anggota Knesset dari Arab Israel Ahmed Tibi.

Akan tetapi, Menteri Transportasi Israel Meir Sheetrit menyatakan, Partai Kadima tidak tergantung pada seseorang dan partai tersebut tidak terpengaruh jika Sharon tiada karena Partai Kadima menghimpun tokoh-tokoh pilihan dari berbagai partai yang mereka telah punya basis massa yang kuat.

Jajak pendapat yang diadakan TV Israel Chanel 10 dan harian Haaretz hari Kamis (5/1) menunjukkan Partai Kadima masih mendapat suara signifikan jika Sharon meninggal dunia. Jika Shimon Peres memimpin Partai Kadima, maka partai tersebut akan memperoleh 42 kursi, yakni sama dengan jumlah perolehan kursi bila Sharon yang memimpin.

Bila Ehud Olmert yang memimpin Partai Kadima, maka akan meraih 40 kursi. Jika dipimpin Menteri Peradilan Tzipi Livni, Partai Kadima akan mendapat 38 kursi. Kalau dipimpin Menhan Shaul Mofaz hanya memperoleh 36 kursi.

Jika dipimpin Menteri Transportasi Meir Sheetrit hanya meraih 28 kursi Knesset. Adapun pihak yang diuntungkan dengan mangkatnya Sharon adalah musuh bebuyutan politiknya seperti Benjamin Netanyahu.

Netanyahu dan Partai Likudnya kembali memiliki harapan bangkit dalam konstelasi perimbangan kekuatan partai-partai politik di Israel lantaran akan melemahnya Partai Kadima dengan mangkatnya Sharon.

Peretz beruntung

Pemimpin baru Partai Buruh Amir Peretz mendapat keuntungan jika Sharon mangkat. Partai Kadima pimpinan Sharon selama ini telah melemahkan Partai Buruh dan mengambil tokoh-tokoh andalan partai tersebut seperti Shimon Peres dan Haim Ramon.

Pemimpin Partai Shinui Tomy Lapid juga termasuk yang diuntungkan dengan mangkatnya Sharon dengan harapan sejumlah aktivis Partai Shinui yang menyeberang ke Partai Kadima kembali ke Partai Shinui.

Dalam konteks politik, mangkatnya Sharon akan memengaruhi proses perdamaian. Sharon adalah pemimpin Israel yang memerintahkan pembongkaran permukiman Yahudi di Jalur Gaza dan mengambil keputusan mundur sepihak dari wilayah Palestina tersebut.

Menteri Palestina Urusan Perundingan Saeb Erekat mengatakan, mangkatnya Sharon akan mengubah lagi paradigma perdamaian dan membuka pintu pada Netanyahu melakukan manuver baru. Ia menegaskan, Palestina akan meminta perlindungan internasional dari bahaya Netanyahu jika ia kembali berkuasa di Israel.

Mantan Menteri Urusan Sipil Palestina Muhammad Dahlan mengatakan, jika Sharon meninggal dunia pasti akan mengubah lagi pola hubungan Israel-Palestina, namun tidak bisa dipastikan apakah mengarah pada hubungan positif atau negatif. Pengamat Palestina urusan Israel Salah Naami mengatakan, jika Sharon meninggal dunia, pola hubungan Israel-Palestina akan tergantung pada peta baru partai politik di Israel dan nasib Partai Kadima yang didirikan Sharon.

Meski demikian, kata Naami, sulit diprediksi apakah perubahan peta partai politik di Israel akan menguntungkan Palestina. Yang pasti, rakyat Israel saat ini lebih mengarah pada sikap radikal jika berhadapan dengan Palestina.

Sikap resmi Palestina atas Sharon berbeda jauh dari sikap rakyat dan faksi-faksi Palestina. Front Rakyat untuk Pembebasan Palestina (FPLP) mengatakan, mangkatnya Sharon merupakan berita gembira bagi rakyat Palestina. Sedangkan salah seorang jubir Hamas, Mushir Al Misri, menyatakan, Timur Tengah akan lebih baik tanpa Sharon.

Perihal pemilu legislatif Palestina sempat muncul pula suara untuk menundanya dari jadwal yang ditetapkan, yakni 25 Januari ini, jika Sharon meninggal dunia.

Namun tokoh independen Palestina Mustafa Bargouti menyerukan semua faksi Palestina bersatu untuk menolak campur tangan Israel. Ia mengatakan, perkembangan kesehatan Sharon adalah urusan Israel yang tidak boleh berdampak pada urusan internal Palestina, termasuk masalah penyelenggaraan pemilu.

Pengaruh pada ekonomi

Dalam konteks ekonomi dan keuangan, mangkatnya Sharon akan memengaruhi pula situasi ekonomi di Israel, bukan karena ia sebagai PM dan orang terkuat di Israel saat ini, melainkan juga Sharon adalah salah seorang terkaya di Israel. Sharon dikenal memiliki harta benda bergerak dan tidak bergerak yang bernilai miliaran dollar AS.

Karena itu, ketika Sharon diumumkan sakit, nilai Sikel (mata uang Israel) langsung anjlok. Goyangnya ekonomi Israel itu disebabkan nama-nama tenar di Israel kini bergabung dengan Partai Kadima. Keberhasilan Sharon merekrut nama-nama tenar dalam Partai Kadima lantaran Sharon dan Omri (putra Sharon) tidak segan-segan membayar mereka dengan uang atau janji jabatan.

Mafia Sharon dan keluarganya dalam urusan uang termasuk kasus penyuapan yang menjadi skandal korupsi pertama PM Ariel Sharon. Kepolisian Israel mengaku memiliki bukti bahwa keluarga Sharon menerima suap tiga juta dollar AS dari seorang miliuner Austria.

Kepolisian Israel juga meyakini sebagian dari uang itu telah digunakan keluarga Sharon untuk mengganti kontribusi kampanye yang dianggap ilegal saat Sharon terpilih menjadi pemimpin Partai Likud tahun 1999. Berbagai bukti berupa komputer, telepon, dan dokumen itu disita akhir Desember lalu saat ada penggeledahan di rumah ke luarga Martin Schlaff asal Austria di Jerusalem.

Dalam konteks keamanan, Sharon adalah tokoh militer dan sekuriti yang disegani dan memiliki reputasi. Ia memerintahkan sendiri aksi penangkapan dan pembunuhan aktivis Palestina di dalam maupun luar negeri. Di mata Palestina dan dunia Arab, citra Sharon sangat buruk dalam urusan keamanan, namun cemerlang bagi rakyat Israel.

Sharon terlibat berbagai aksi pembantaian di Jalur Gaza pada tahun 1950-an dan 1960-an serta Sabra-Shatila di Beirut tahun 1982 yang menewaskan sekitar 1.000 rakyat Palestina.

Dalam konteks sosial, meskipun Sharon dikenal pemilik modal dan kaya raya, ia sangat berpihak pada kaum miskin di Israel.

Sharon adalah politisi kelas berat, setara dengan nama-nama besar Perdana Menteri Israel sebelumnya seperti David Ben Gurion, Golda Meir, Menachen Begin, dan Yitzhak Rabin (kcm/8/1/06)<\i>

Fekah - PUASA HARI ARAFAH

2006-01-09T10:07:00.000+11:00

PUASA HARI ARAFAH

Puasa hari Arafah ialah puasa sunat pada hari kesembilan Zulhijjah yang disunatkan kepada orang-orang yang tidak melakukan ibadat haji. Kelebihan berpuasa pada hari itu menghapuskan dosa-dosa setahun yang telah lalu dan dosa setahun yang akan datang sebagaimana diriwayatkan daripada Abu Qatadah Al-Anshari berkata:

Maksudnya: "Dan ditanya (Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wasallam) tentang berpuasa di hari Arafah? Maka Baginda bersabda: "Ia menebus dosa setahun yang telah lalu dan setahun yang akan datang."

(Hadits riwayat Muslim)

Manakala bagi orang-orang yang melakukan ibadat haji pula adalah disunatkan untuk tidak berpuasa pada hari Arafah dan adalah menyalahi perkara yang utama jika mereka berpuasa juga pada hari itu berdasarkan apa yang diriwayatkan daripada Ummu Al-Fadhl binte Al-Harits berkata:

Maksudnya: "Bahawa beberapa orang di sisinya di hari Arafah membicarakan puasa Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wasallam (di hari Arafah). Sebahagian mereka ada yang mengatakan bahawa Baginda berpuasa dan sebahagian mereka ada yang mengatakan bahawa Baginda tidak berpuasa. Maka aku hantar kepada Baginda segelas susu yang pada ketika itu Baginda berada di atas untanya, lalu Baginda meminumnya."

(Hadits riwayat Muslim)

Disunatkan juga berpuasa pada hari ke 8 Zulhijjah di samping berpuasa pada hari Arafah (9 Zulhijjah) sebagai langkah berhati-hati yang mana kemungkinan pada hari ke 8 Zulhijjah itu adalah hari yang ke 9 Zulhijjah (Hari Arafah). Bahkan adalah disunatkan berpuasa lapan hari iaitu dari hari yang pertama bulan Zulhijjah hingga ke hari yang ke lapan sama ada bagi orang yang mengerjakan haji atau tidak mengerjakan haji, bersama-sama dengan hari Arafah berdasarkan hadits yang diriwayatkan daripada Abu Hurairah Radhiallahu ‘anhu, daripada Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wasallam bersabda:

Maksudnya: "Tidak ada hari-hari yang lebih dicintai oleh Allah untuk dilakukan ibadah kepadaNya daripada sepuluh hari di bulan Zulhijjah, dimana satu hari berpuasa daripadanya (sebanding) dengan puasa satu tahun dan mendirikan ibadah satu malam daripadanya (sebanding) dengan mendirikan ibadah pada lailatulqadar."

(Hadits riwayat Tirmidzi)

Dalam hadits yang lain yang diriwayatkan daripada Hunaidah bin Khalid, daripada isterinya, daripada setengah isteri-isteri Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wasallam:

Maksudnya: "Sesungguhnya Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wasallam adalah melakukan puasa sembilan hari di awal bulan Zulhijjah, di hari ‘Asyura’ dan tiga hari di setiap bulan iaitu hari Isnin yang pertama dan dua hari Khamis yang berikutnya."

(Hadits riwayat An-Nasa’i)

Jabatan Mufti Brunei

Ghazwul Fikri - Peran Media Komunikasi Modern (TV) sebagai Sarana untuk Menghancurkan

2006-01-07T14:29:00.000+11:00

AL-IKHWAN.NET - Ahad, 11 Desember 2005

Van Doorn & Lammers menyatakan komunikasi adalah merupakan sebagai sebuah tindakan, ia menganalisis komunikasi dari dua sisi yaitu sisi individu dan sisi sosial. Dari sisi individu ia membagi komunikasi menjadi yang bertipe obyektif (dari luar) yang melahirkan kegiatan dan cara tindak dan subyektif (dari dalam) yg melahirkan proses-proses psikis dan sikap. Sedangkan dari sisi sosial ia membagi komunikasi obyektif yang melahirkan interaksi dan relasi sosial, serta subyektif yang melahirkan komunikasi dan hubungan sosial.

1. Pengertian Komunikasi

Van Doorn & Lammers menyatakan komunikasi adalah merupakan sebagai sebuah tindakan, ia menganalisis komunikasi dari dua sisi yaitu sisi individu dan sisi sosial. Dari sisi individu ia membagi komunikasi menjadi yang bertipe obyektif (dari luar) yang melahirkan kegiatan dan cara tindak dan subyektif (dari dalam) yang melahirkan proses-proses psikis dan sikap. Sedangkan dari sisi sosial ia membagi komunikasi obyektif yang melahirkan interaksi dan relasi sosial, serta subyektif yang melahirkan komunikasi dan hubungan sosial.

Koncaid & Schramn menyatakan komunikasi sebagai sebuah proses, artinya komunikasi merupakan proses berbagi/menggunakan sebuah informasi secara bersama dan pertalian antara para peserta dalam proses informasi tersebut dinamakan komunikasi. Ciri adanya proses komunikasi menurutnya adalah : Harus ada 2 pihak atau lebih, dan ada proses berbagi informasi, sehingga harus selektif dalam memilih alat komunikasi dan memilih pola yang sesuai untuk menggambarkan pikiran. Lebih jauh ia menyatakan bahwa langkah-langkah dalam sebuah proses komunikasi adalah menciptakan informasi, menyampaikan informasi tersebut, memperdalam perhatian, menafsirkannya, memahaminya lalu melaksanakan, serta timbulnya pengertian bersama.

Adapun Berlo menyatakan komunikasi sebagai cara mempengaruhi orang lain. Komunikasi bermaksud mempengaruhi org lain, dimana unsur komunikasi menurutnya adalah adanya Source (sumber), Message (pesan), Channel (saluran), Receiver (penerima), dan Effect (akibat). Lebih jauh ia memberikan ilustrasi bahwa seorang dokter yg mendiagnosa pasien, maka ia bertindak sbg sebuah source, pasien sbg receiver, message-nya adalah masalah kesehatan, channel-nya adalah udara (karena merupakan pola komunikasi primer), dan effect-nya adalah perubahan sikap dari sang pasien tsb.

2. Tipe Komunikasi dan Jaringan Komunikasi

Dalam ilmu komunikasi, tipe komunikasi menurut Edward Sapir dibagi menjadi tipe komunikasi primer dan sekunder. Tipe komunikasi primer bersifat langsung, face to face baik dengan menggunakan bahasa, gerakan yg diartikan secara khusus ataupun aba2. Tipe komunikasi ini bisa berbentuk pertemuan (inter-personal), kelompok (kuliah) maupun massa (tabligh akbar). Betapapun besarnya, pengaruh komunikasi jenis ini tidak dapat melalui sebuah wilayah geografis yg sangat sempit dan terbatas. Sementara tipe komunikasi sekunder adalah komunikasi yg menggunakan alat, media seperti menggunakan surat (inter personal), menonton pagelaran nasyid (kelompok), maupun media koran atau TV (massa), yg berfungsi untuk melipatgandakan penerima, sehingga dpt mengatasi hambatan geografis dan waktu.

Jaringan komunikasi terdiri dari jaringan komunikasi tradisional (Lama), dan jaringan komunikasi modern (Baru) Pola komunikasi lama/tradisional, cirinya adalah berlangsung secara tatap-muka sehingga terjelma hubungan interpersonal yg mendlm, hubungan dg status yg berbeda (patron-client), serta pemberi pesan dinilai oleh penerima berdasarkan identitasnya (siapa bicara, bukan apa isinya). Sementara jaringan komunikasi modern, cirinya adalah adanya inovator (penggagas, pencipta media), dan melalui media massa.

3. Media Komunikasi Modern (TV) sebagai Alat untuk Menghancurkan Sebuah Generasi.

Pakar komunikasi Rogers & Shoemaker menyatakan bahwa komunikasi adalah proses pesan yg disampaikan dari sumber kepada penerima. Komunikasi yg menyebar melalui media massa akan memiliki dampak vertikal (mengalami taraf internalisasi/penghayatan) apalagi jk para tokoh (opinion-leaders) ikut menebarkannya. Sementara pakar komunikasi lain, Lazarfield menyatakan bahwa jalannya pesan melalui media massa akan sangat mempengaruhi masyarakat penerimanya.

Peran merusak dari media komunikasi modern, khususnya TV terhadap sebuah generasi menurut penulis dapat dilihat dari dua aspek sbb :

Ã˜ Aspek kehadirannya : Terjadinya perubahan penjadwalan kegiatan sehari2 dalam keluarga muslim dan muslimah. Sebagai contoh adalah, waktu selepas maghrib yang biasanya digunakan anak2 muslim/ah untuk mengaji dan belajar agama berubah dengan menonton acara2 yang kebanyakan tidak bermanfaat atau bahkan merusak. Sementara bagi para remaja dan orangtua, selepas bekerja atau sekolah dibandingkan datang ke pengajian dan majlis2 taâ€™lim atau membaca buku, kebanyakan lebih senang menghabiskan waktunya dengan menonton TV. Sebenarnya TV dapat menjadi sarana dakwah yang luarbiasa, sesuai dengan teori komunikasi yang menyatakan bahwa media audio-visual memiliki pengaruh yang tertinggi dalam membentuk kepribadian seseorang maupun masyarakat, asal dikemas dan dirancang agar sesuai dengan nilai2 yg Islami. Ã˜ Aspek Isinya : Berbicara mengenai isi yang ditampilkan oleh media massa diantaranya adalah mengenai penokohan/orang2 yang diidolakan. Media massa yang ada tidak berusaha untuk ikut mendidik bangsa dan masyarakat dengan menokohkan para ulama ataupun ilmuwan serta orang2 yang dapat mendorong bagi terbangunnya bangsa agar dapat mencapai kemajuan (baik IMTAK maupun IPTEK) sebagaimana yang digembar-gemborkan, sebaliknya justru tokoh yang terus-menerus diekspos dan ditampilkan adalah para selebriti yang menjalankan gaya hidup borjuis, menghambur2kan uang (tabdzir) jauh dari memiliki IPTEK apalagi dari nilai2 agama. Hal ini jelas demikian besar dampaknya kepada generasi muda dalam memilih dan menentukan gaya hidup serta cita2nya dan tentunya pada kualitas bangsa dan negara. Produk lain dari GF yang menonjol dalam media TV misalnya, adalah porsi film2 yang Islami yang hampir2 boleh dikatakan tidak ada, 90% film yang diputar adalah bergaya hidup Barat, sisanya adalah film nasional (yang juga meniru Barat), lalu diikuti film2 Mandarin dan film2 India. Hal ini bukan karena tidak adanya film2 yg islami atau kurangnya minat pemirsa thd film2 islami, karena penayangan film â€œthe messageâ€� misalnya menimbulkan animo yg luar-biasa dikalangan masyarakat atau film seperti â€œChildren of Heavenâ€� mampu mendapatkan award untuk film anak budaya terbaik dunia. Tetapi masalahnya memang lebih karena tidak adanya political-will dikalangan pengelola stasiun TV yg ada.

4. Penutup

Terakhir, perlu diketahui bahwa penjajahan melalui media komunikasi adalah jauh lebih jahat dan berbahaya dari penjajahan fisik. Dari sisi biaya, peperangan fisik membutuhkan biaya yg sangat mahal, sementara peperangan media hanya membutuhkan biaya yg murah dan bahkan dapat dikembalikan (melalui iklan). Dari sisi persenjataan yg digunakan, peperangan fisik menggunakan berbagai senjata canggih yg mahal dan berat, sedangkan peperangan media cukup menggunakan film2, diskusi topik dan iklan. Dari sisi jangkauan, peperangan fisik hanya dibatasi di front2 pertempuran saja, sementara penjajahan media bisa sampai ke setiap rumah jauh di pelosok2 dan di pedalaman. Terakhir dari sisi obyek, dlm peperangan fisik obyek merasakan dan mengadakan perlawanan, sementara melalui peperangan media obyek sama sekali tidak merasa dan bahkan menjadikan penjajahnya sebagai idola. Maka menghadapinya, hanya sebagian kecil orang yg dirahmati ALLAH SWT sajalah yg mampu bersikap mawas, lalu berdisiplin melakukan filterisasi serta terus berjuang membebaskan masyarakat dari makar yg luar-biasa hebatnya ini, Maha Benar ALLAH SWT yg telah berfirman : â€œDAN SUNGGUH MEREKA ITU TELAH MEMBUAT MAKAR YG AMAT BESAR, DAN DISISI ALLAH-LAH (BALASAN) MAKAR MEREKA ITU. DAN SESUNGGUHNYA MAKAR MEREKA ITU HAMPIR-HAMPIR DAPAT MELENYAPKAN GUNUNG-GUNUNGPUN (KARENA BESARNYA).â€� (Ibrahim, 14:46). Maka ambillah pelajaran wahai orang2 yg berakal...

Nabiel Fuad Al-Musawa

Fokus - 10 Hari Pertama Dzulhijjah: Saat Hari-hari Lebih Bernilai Ketimbang Jihad Fi Sabilillah

2006-01-07T14:27:00.000+11:00

eramuslim - Tanggal 1 Januari 2006, kita sudah memasuki bulan Dzulhijjah. Sepanjang 10 hari pertama di bulan ini adalah hari-hari yang sangat berharga nilainya menurut Allah swt dibanding hari-hari lain dalam satu tahun. Beribadah dan beramal shalih pada hari-hari ini, bahkan disebutkan dalam hadits shahih, lebih baik dan lebih dicintai oleh Allah ketimbang jihad fi sabilillah.

خرج البخاري " من حديث ابن عباس رضي الله عنهما عن النبي صلى الله عليه و سلم قال: ما من أيام العمل الصالح فيها أحب إلى الله من هذه الأيام ، يعني أيام العشر قالوا: يا رسول الله و لا الجهاد في سبيل الله ؟ قال: و لا الجهاد في سبيل الله إلا رجلاً خرج بنفسه و ماله لم رجع من ذلك بشيء "

Diriwayatkan oleh Al-Bukhari, Rahimahullah, dari Ibnu 'Abbas Radhiyallahu 'Anhuma bahwa Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda, "Tidak ada hari dimana amal shalih pada saat itu lebih dicintai oleh Allah daripada hari-hari ini, yaitu: Sepuluh hari dari bulan DzulHijjah." Mereka bertanya, "Ya Rasulullah, tidak juga jihad fi sabilillah?" Beliau menjawab, "Tidak juga jihad fi sabilillah, kecuali orang yang keluar (berjihad) dengan jiwa dan hartanya, kemudian tidak kembali dengan sesuatu apapun."

Imam Ibnu Rajab Al-Hambali mengatakan, amal-amal ibadah di hari-hari itu lebih dicintai oleh Allah dari amal-amal ibadah di hari-hari lain, tanpa terkecuali. Jika disebut suatu amal lebih dicintai oleh Allah, berarti amal itulah yang paling utama menurut Allah.

Dalam riwayat lain disebutkan pula hadits berbunyi: “Tidaklah ada hari-hari di mana beramal di dalamnya lebih utama daripada beramal di hari-hari sepuluh bulan Dzulhijjah.”

Berikut beberapa penjelasan tentang keutamaan sepuluh hari pertama di bulan Dzulhijjah.

Amal-amal yang disyariatkan:

A. Shalat Disunnahkan bersegera mengerjakan shalat fardhu dan memperbanyak shalat sunnah, karena semua itu merupakan ibadah yang paling utama. Dari Tsauban radiallahuanhu dia berkata: Saya mendengar Rasulullah bersabda, "Hendaklah kalian memperbanyak sujud kepada Allah, karena setiap kali kamu bersujud, maka Allah mengangkat derajat kamu, dan menghapus kesalahan kamu. Hal tersebut berlaku umum di setiap waktu.”

و أما قيام ليالي العشر فمستحب، فقد كان سعيد بن جبير و هو الذي روى هذا الحديث عن ابن عباس رضي الله عنهما إذا دخل العشر اجتهد اجتهاداً حتى ما يكاد يقدر عليه ، و روي عنه أنه قال: لا تطفئوا سرجكم ليالي العشر

Qiyamul lail sepuluh hari pertama Dzulhijjah mustahabb. Adalah Sa’id bin Jubair meriwayatkan hadits dari Ibnu Abbas ra, jika masuk sepuluh hari Dzulhijjah, ia sangat bersungguh-sungguh (melakukan amal ibadah) hingga ia hampir tidak mampu melakukannya. Dia mengatakan, “Jangan matikan lampu kalian di malam-malam sepuluh hari bulan Dzulhijjah.”

B. Shoum (Puasa) Karena dia termasuk perbuatan amal shaleh. Dari Hunaidah bin Kholid dari istrinya dari sebagian istri-istri Rasulullah Shalallahu ‘alaihi wassalam, dia berkata: Adalah Rasulullah Shalallahu ‘alaihi wassalam berpuasa pada tanggal sembilan Dzulhijjah, sepuluh Muharram dan tiga hari setiap bulan. (Riwayat Imam Ahmad, Abu Daud dan Nasa’i). Imam Nawawi berkata tentang puasa sepuluh hari bulan Dzul Hijjah, “Sangat di sunnahkan.“

C. Takbir, Tahlil dan Tahmid.

عن ابن عمر رضي الله عنهما عن النبي صلى الله عليه و سلم قال: ما من أيام أعظم و لا أحب إليه العمل فيهن عند الله من هذه الأيام العشر فأكثروا فيهن من التهليل و التكبير و التحميد "

Dari Ibnu Umar, bahwasannya Rasulullah saw bersabda, “Tak ada hari yang lebih mulia dan lebih disukai beramal di dalamnya menurut Allah dari hari-hari pada sepuluh hari pertama Dzulhijjah. Maka perbanyaklah di dalamnya tahlil, takbir dan tahmid.”

Imam Bukhori berkata: “Adalah Ibnu Umar dan Abu Hurairah radiallahuanhuma keluar ke pasar pada hari sepuluh bulan Dzulhijjah, mereka berdua bertakbir dan orang-orangpun ikut bertakbir karenanya.“ Dia juga berkata: “Adalah Umar bin Khottob bertakbir di kemahnya di Mina dan didengar mereka yang ada dalam masjid, lalu mereka bertakbir dan bertakbir pula orang-orang yang di pasar hingga Mina bergetar oleh takbir.“ Dan Ibnu Umar bertakbir di Mina pada hari-hari tersebut, setelah shalat dan di atas pembaringannya, di atas kudanya, di majlisnya dan saat berjalan pada semua hari-hari tersebut.

Disunnahkan mengeraskan takbir karena perbuatan Umar tersebut dan anaknya dan Abu Hurairah radiallahuanhuma. Maka hendaknya kita kaum muslimin menghidupkan sunnah yang telah ditinggalkan pada masa ini, bahkan hampir saja terlupakan hingga oleh mereka orang-orang shalih, berbeda dengan apa yang dilakukan oleh salafussalih terdahulu.

D. Puasa hari Arafah (9 Dzulhijjah). Puasa Arafah sangat dianjurkan bagi mereka yang tidak pergi haji, sebagaimana riwayat dari Rasulullah Shalallahu ‘alaihi wassalam bahwa dia berkata tentang puasa Arafah, "Saya berharap kepada Allah agar dihapuskan (dosa) setahun sebelumnya dan setahun sesudahnya." (Riwayat Muslim)

E. Berkurban Pada Hari Raya Qurban dan Hari-Hari Tasyriq. Hal ini adalah sunnah Nabi Ibrahim 'Alaihissalam, yakni ketika Allah Ta'ala menebus putranya dengan sembelihan yang agung. Diriwayatkan bahwa Nabi shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam, "Berkurban dengan menyembelih dua ekor domba jantan berwarna putih dan bertanduk. Beliau sendiri yang menyembelihnya dengan menyebut nama Allah dan bertakbir, serta meletakkan kaki beliau di sisi tubuh domba itu." (Muttafaq 'Alaihi)

F. Dianjurkan Tidak Mencabut atau Memotong Rambut dan Kuku bagi Orang yang Hendak Berkurban. Diriwayatkan oleh Muslim dan lainnya, dari Ummu Salamah Radhiyallhu 'Anha bahwa Nabi shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda. "Jika kamu melihat hilal bulan Dzulhijjah dan salah seorang di antara kamu ingin berkurban, maka hendaklah ia menahan diri dari (memotong) rambut dan kukunya." Dalam riwayat lain: "Maka janganlah ia mengambil sesuatu dari rambut atau kukunya sehingga ia berkurban." Hal ini, mungkin, untuk menyerupai orang yang menunaikan ibadah haji yang menuntun hewan kurbannya. Firman Allah swt yang artinya: ..... dan jangan kamu mencukur (rambut) kepalamu, sebelum kurban sampai di tempat penyembelihan..." (Al-Baqarah: 196).

Larangan ini, menurut zhahirnya, hanya dikhususkan bagi orang yang berkurban saja, tidak termasuk istri dan anak-anaknya, kecuali jika masing-masing dari mereka berkurban. Dan diperbolehkan membasahi rambut serta menggosoknya, meskipun terdapat beberapa rambutnya yang rontok.

G. Keutamaan Hari Raya Qurban (Tanggal 10 Dzul Hijjah). Banyak orang yang melalaikan hari yang besar ini, padahal para ulama berpendapat bahwa hari ini lebih utama dari hari-hari dalam setahun secara mutlak, bahkan termasuk pada hari Arafah. Ibnu Qoyyim –rahimahullah- berkata: “ Sebaik-baik hari di sisi Allah adalah hari Nahr (Hari Raya Qurban), dia adalah hari haji Akbar ,“ sebagaimana terdapat dalam sunan Abu Daud, Rasulullah Shalallahu ‘alaihi wassalam bersabda: Sesungguh-nya hari-hari yang paling mulia di sisi Allah adalah hari Nahr, kemudian hari qar. Hari qar adalah hari menetap di Mina, yaitu tanggal 11 Dzulhijjah. Ada juga yang mengatakan bahwa hari Arafah lebih mulia dari hari Nahr, karena puasa pada hari itu menghapus dosa dua tahun, dan tidak ada hari yang lebih banyak Allah bebaskan orang dari neraka kecuali hari Arafah, dan karena pada hari tersebut Allah mendekat kepada hamba-Nya, kemudian Dia membanggakan kepada malaikat-Nya terhadap orang-orang yang sedang wukuf. (na-str/dari berbagai sumber)

Peranan Pemuda Dalam Islam

2006-01-07T13:13:00.000+11:00

Adakah kamu tahu tugasmu? Islam adalah agama yang sangat memperhatikan dan memuliakan para pemuda, al-Qur'an menceritakan tentang potret pemuda ashaabul kahfi sebagai kelompok pemuda yang beriman kepada Allah SWT dan meninggalkan mayoritas kaumnya yang menyimpang dari agama Allah SWT, sehingga Allah SWT menyelamatkan para pemuda tersebut dengan menidurkan mereka selama 309 tahun (QS 18/).

PEMUDA SEBAGAI GENERASI HARAPAN ISLAM

Islam adalah agama yang sangat memperhatikan dan memuliakan para pemuda, al-Qur'an menceritakan tentang potret pemuda ashaabul kahfi sebagai kelompok pemuda yang beriman kepada Allah SWT dan meninggalkan mayoritas kaumnya yang menyimpang dari agama Allah SWT, sehingga Allah SWT menyelamatkan para pemuda tersebut dengan menidurkan mereka selama 309 tahun (QS 18/).

Kisah pemuda ashaabul ukhdud dalam al-Qur'an juga menceritakan tentang pemuda yang tegar dalam keimanannya kepada Allah SWT sehingga menyebabkan banyak masyarakatnya yang beriman dan membuat murka penguasa sehingga ratusan orang dibinasakan dengan diceburkan ke dalam parit berisi api yang bergejolak (sabab nuzul QS ). Dan masih banyak lagi contoh-contoh kisah para pemuda lainnya, diantaranya bahwa mayoritas dari assabiquunal awwaluun (orang-orang yang pertama kali beriman kepada Rasulullah SAW) adalah para pemuda (Abubakar ra masuk Islam pada usia 32 tahun, Umar ra 35 th, Ali ra 9 th, Utsman ra 30 th, dst).

Sifat-sifat yang menyebabkan para pemuda tersebut dicintai Allah SWT dan mendapatkan derajat yang tinggi sehingga kisahnya diabadikan dalam al-Qur'an dan dibaca oleh jutaan manusia dari masa ke masa, adalah sebagai berikut :

Karena mereka selalu menyeru pada al-haq (QS 7/181)
Mereka mencintai Allah SWT, maka Allah SWT mencintai mereka (QS 5/54)
Mereka saling melindungi, menegakkan shalat (QS 9/71) tidak sebagaimana para pemuda yang menjadi musuh Allah SWT (QS 9/67)
Mereka adalah para pemuda yang memenuhi janjinya kepada Allah SWT (QS 13/20)
Mereka tidak ragu-ragu dalam berkorban diri dan harta mereka untuk kepentingan Islam (QS 49/15)

Nabiel Fuad Al-Musawa

sumber: al-ikhwan.net

Hidup di Bawah Bayangan Al-Quran

2006-01-07T13:06:00.000+11:00

Indahnya Hidup di Bawah Naungan Al-Qur'an Marilah kita bercermin pada profil ummat-ummat terdahulu terhadap kitab-kitab mereka dan marilah kita bandingkan dengan keadaan kita masing-masing, agar kita tidak tersesat sebagaimana mereka dahulu telah tersesat dari jalan ALLAH SWT :

Keadaan Ummat Terdahulu (orang-orang Kafir) terhadap Kitab-kitab Mereka. AL-IKHWAN.NET - Marilah kita bercermin pada profil ummat-ummat terdahulu terhadap kitab-kitab mereka dan marilah kita bandingkan dengan keadaan kita masing-masing, agar kita tidak tersesat sebagaimana mereka dahulu telah tersesat dari jalan ALLAH SWT : 1. Ummi (Bodoh tidak dapat membaca dan memahaminya) “Dan diantara mereka ada orang-orang yang ummi, tidak mengetahui isi Taurat, kecuali cerita-cerita dari orang-orang lain saja dan mereka hanya menduga-menduga saja.” (QS al-Baqarah : 78) 2. Beriman secara partial “Apakah kalian beriman pada sebagian Taurat dan ingkar kepada sebagian yg lain.” (QS al-Baqarah : 85) 3. Berusaha untuk berpaling dari Al-Qur’an kepada selainnya “Dan sesungguhnya mereka hampir-hampir memalingkan kamu dari apa yang telah KAMI wahyukan kepadamu, agar kamu membuat selain al-Qur’an secara bohong terhadap KAMI, dan kalau sudah demikian tentulah mereka mengambilmu sebagai sahabat setia ...” (QS al-Isra : 73) 4. Sengaja menghindar dari pengaruh Al-Qur’an “Dan orang-orang kafir berkata : Janganlah kalian mendengar dengan sungguh-sungguh akan Al-Qur’an ini dan buatlah hiruk-pikuk terhadapnya, supaya kalian dapat mengalahkannya.” (QS Fushshilat : 26) 5. Cinta dunia dan takut mati “Sekali-sekali janganlah begitu! Sebenarnya kalian (hai manusia) mencintai kehidupan dunia dan lari dari akhirat.” (QS al-Qiyamah : 20-21)

Nabiel Fuad Al-Musawa

sumber: al-ikhwan.net

Berita - Negara Israel Dibangun di Atas Kebohongan

2006-01-07T12:58:00.000+11:00

Fredrick Toben: Negara Israel Dibangun di Atas Kebohongan

29 Des 2005 17:22 WIB

Direktor Adelaide Institute di Australia, Fredrick Toben meyakini bahwa Israel diciptakan atas dasar mitos Holocaust. Pada tanggal 19 Desember, Mehr News Agency melakukan wawancara dengan Toben untuk menanyakan mengapa negara-negara Barat begitu marah ketika Presiden Iran Mahmud Ahmadinejad yang mengatakan bahwa Holocaust hanya mitos. Apa jawaban Toben tentang hal ini, berikut petikan wawancaranya yang dimuat oleh situs tehrantimes, Kamis (29/12);

Presiden Iran mengatakan bahwa ia berfikir Holocaust hanya sebuah mitos dan tapi beberapa negara Eropa bersikeras menyatakan bahwa jutaan warga Yahudi tak berdosa dibunuh oleh Hitler pada Perang Dunia II. Untuk itu ia menanyakan mengapa Eropa tidak memberikan sebagian wilayahnya untuk bangsa Yahudi, jika memang keyakinan orang-orang Eropa itu benar. Bagaimana pandangan anda tentang hal ini?

Holocaust adalah sebuah kebohongan karena tak satupun dari tiga pilar utama yang bisa mendukung keyakinan itu secara faktual benar atau terbukti.

Pertama, soal Jerman-Hitler yang secara sistematis memusnahkan Yahudi Eropa. Tidak ada bukti yang kuat untuk klaim ini, yang ada adalah perpindahan orang-orang Yahudi. Bersama-sama dengan Yahudi Zionis, Yahudi Jerman tiba di Palestina dengan harta benda mereka. Yahudi lainnya pindah ke luar wilayah Jerman dan Auschwitz adalah sebuah kamp tempat transit.

Kedua, soal pembunuhan besar-besaran yang dilakukan di kamar-kamar eksekusi dengan menggunakan gas kimia. Secara teknis, hal itu tidak mungkin terjadi karena bisa anda coba berapa lama waktu yang dibutuhkan, misalnya untuk membunuh satu juta orang --jumlah yang sama dengan penduduk Adelaide-- tanpa seorangpun yang menemukan tentang hal itu. (Dalam hal ini ia membandingkan kebohongan Bush tentang invasi ke Irak) Dunia dengan cepat tahu bahwa Presiden Bush berbohong tentang senjata pemusnah massal di Irak-kebohongan itu bahkan tidak berakhir dalam satu tahun.

Ketiga, katanya ada 6 juta Yahudi yang dibunuh-angka ini cuma dongengan-dan meskipun pada satu waktu jumlah Yahudi yang dibunuh di Auschwitz diklaim sebanyak 4 juta orang, kemudian turun menjadi 1-1,5 juta dan sekarang malah disebut sekitar 500 ribu orang, tapi angka 6 juta masih tetap diyakini. Mengapa?

Setiap orang mempertanyakan tiga poin tadi sekarang dipenjarakan-dan para Revisionis harus harus menanyakan tiga pertanyaan tadi jika mereka mau mengetahui fakta sebenarnya tentang kisah Holocaust.

Jika mereka benar, tentu saja mereka bisa membuktikannya sebagai fakta sejarah. Tapi, mengapa mereka selalu menghindari diskusi tentang Holocaust?

Dunia internasional marah pada kata-kata Presiden Iran yang secara jelas mengungkapkan pandangannya bahwa paska Perang Dunia dua tatanan kekuatan dunia sama-sama terperangkap oleh mitos Holocaust. Anda memulainya dengan menyatakan sebuah fakta bahwa Yahudi dipindahkan ke luar Eropa. Kemudian anda melebih-lebihkan penderitaan mereka saat pemindahan itu pada orang-orang Yahudi-dan tak seorangpun yang membantahnya. Kemudian sebuah kebohongan diciptakan bahwa orang-orang Yahudi di-gas karena Hitler membenci mereka.

Perang Dunia II lebih dari hanya seorang Hitler dan orang Yahudi. Hitler memutus ekonomi Jerman dari para predator internasional yang menganut kapitalisme-dan melakukan barter secara bebas antar negara yang menolak untuk masuk perangkap utang yang utamanya dikendalikan oleh lembaga keuangan internasional Yahudi.

Karena Holocaust adalah kebohongan, maka harus dilindungi secara legal. Reaksi histeris para pemimpin dunia mengindikasikan bahwa Zionis memiliki kekuatan baik secara individual maupun di pemerintahan-pemerintahan. Holocaust pun menjadi semacam agama. Di negara-negara Eropa anda boleh mengkritik atau menghina Yesus, Bunda Maria dan sebagainya, tapi anda tidak boleh mengkritisi Yahudi dan 'Holocaust' nya itu.

Gemar Rudolf telah menulis laporan yang pasti dalam The Rudolf Report. Isinya menyangkal klaim bahwa pembunuhan dengan gas itu terjadi di Auschwitz. Beberapa orang lainnya juga sudah menerbitkan laporan serupa. Fritjof Meyer- dari kelompok sayap kiri di Jerman- menyatakan bahwa Auschwitz itu sendiri bukan sebuah kamp pembunuhan atau peng-gas-an, tapi pembunuhan dengan menggunakan gas beracun itu terjadi di dua rumah di tanah pertanian di luar kamp Auschwitz-Birkenau. Sampai detik ini, tidak seorangpun yang menemukan sisa-sisa rumah di tanah pertanian itu.

Mengapa Holocaust menjadi semacam dogma sementara pembunuhan massal lainnya yang terjadi di berbagai belahan dunia tidak terlalu mendapat perhatian?

Presiden Iran benar dengan apa yang dikatakannya-kebencian terhadap nya dan kata-katanya mengindikasikan betapa pernyataannya memiliki kekuatan, dunia mendengarkannya. Kenapa? Karena Holocaust menjadi pembenaran tindakan Yahudi terhadap rakyat Palestina. Tanpa Holocaust, tidak ada alasan bagi Yahudi untuk melakukan pembersihan etnis di Palestina. Maka negara Zionis Israel, yang dikenal sebagai koloni Eropa, terus melakukan kebijakan rasis terhadap bangsa Palestina. Karena negara Yahudi sekarang terjadi dari Yahudi Eropa masa lalu yang diklaim mengalami 'Holocaust', adalah sebuah kebohongan. Maka, Israel dibangun atas dasar sebuah kebohongan.

Mengapa para revisionis dilarang mendiskusikan Holocaust dan mengapa mereka yang mengungkapkan keraguannya terhadap Holocaust diperlakukan seperti yang melakukan bid'ah?

Sekutu yang terdiri dari Inggris, AS, Rusia, Inggris dan Perancis menjadi kontrol kekuatan Jerman di Eropa melalui mitos Holocaust. Keinginan Jerman untuk menjadi yang dominan di Eropa berhasil dikendalikan negara persekutuan itu. Pemusnahan bangsa Jerman dari Jerman berlanjut karena mereka merasa Jerman seiring dengan Nazi dan mereka yang tidak percaya akan Holocaust.

Kebijakan itu untuk membasmi orang Jerman sebagai sebuah etnis di negara Jerman. Banyak orang Jerman yang melihat ini sebagai Holocaust orang Jerman yang dilakukan dengan dalih multikulturalisme di mana orang-orang Jerman digantikan oleh orang-orang dari seluruh belahan dunia. Orang Jerman bukan lagi tuan rumah di negerinya sendiri. Ini sama dengan jika warga Kurdi dan Turkiyang datang ke Iran berhasil mengambil alih pemerintahan.

Revisionis adalah orang-orang yang pariotis yang mencintai negara mereka-seperti orang Iran mencintai negara Iran.

Sebagai orang Australia, anda dipenjara di Jerman. Apa alasannya?

Pada tahun 1997, saya melakukan riset tentang Holocaust dengan mendatangi sejumlah jaksa dan hakim di Jerman. Saya melakukan perjalanan lagi ke Jerman pada 1999 dan pada saat ini jaksa yang sama yang saya kunjungi pada tahun 1997 menangkap saya. Saya dipenjara selama 7 bulan di Mannheim. IRIB ikut berperan dalam hukuman penjara saya. Ketika saya bebas pada tanggal 11 November 1999, saya berkunjung ke Iran selama satu minggu. Sambutannya baik. Itulah sebabnya saya datang lagi ke Iran untuk mengikuti Kongres Intifada pada 2001dan 2003. Iran adalah satu-satunya negara di mana rakyatnya tahu bahwa Holocaust adalah isapan jempol belaka.

Yang menjadi masalah bagi hukum Jerman adalah, jika anda mempertahankan diri anda menentang Holocaust dengan informasi-informasi yang faktual, itu dianggap sebagai bukti bahwa anda melakukan bid'ah dan anda dianggap memiliki 'banyak energi kriminal.' Ketika anda sudah di pengadilan, itu sudah cukup membuktikan anda bersalah. Semakin anda membela diri, hukumannya makin berat, itulah sebabnya saya memilih diam di pengadilan. Dan tahun lalu, tanggal 8 November 2004, saya diajukan ke pengadilan lagi di Mannheim. Untungnya saya ada di Australia dan saya dilarang masuk ke Jerman karena saya dinyatakan sebagai orang yang tidak diinginkan. Jadi, kalau saya pergi memenuhi panggilan pengadilan, saya akan ditangkap di perbatasan Jerman, lalu diadili dan jika saya membela diri, itu hanya akan menambah tuntutan kesalahan saya, akan lebih buruk buat saya. Saya lalu bertanya pada hakim apa yang harus saya lakukan, sampai sekarang tidak ada jawabannya.

Sekarang, perkembangan terbaru dimainkan oleh Horst Mahler. Ia menantang, jika Holocaust itu benar, maka harus dibuktikan di pengadilan. Mahler adalah salah seorang yang menyangkal Holocaust, di Jerman penentangan itu dianggap sebagai hasutan dan bisa terkena tuduhan pelanggaran rasial. Mahler mendasari keyakinannya pada buku Germar Rudolf dan kuliah-kuliah tentang Holocaust, yang menjadi argumennya bahwa aparat hukum Jerman harus membuka dirinya untuk informasi baru tentang periode sejarah yang disebut Holocaust.

Kontroversi ini juga menimbulkan masalah negara Jerman dengan Turki, ketika Jerman menuntut seorang penulis Turki yang dengan berani mengungkapkan tentang Armenian 'Holocaust', sebagai sebutan atas peristiwa pembantaian di Turki.

Catatan:

Dr Fredrick Toben, asli Jerman tapi dibesarkan di Australia dan menjadi warga negara Australia. Ia mampu berbahasa Inggris dan Jerman. Ia memiliki minat untuk membebaskan orang-orang Jermandari sikap anti rasis terhadap Jerman akibat legenda Holocaust. Awalnya ia mengedir jurnal-jurnal revisionis yang disebut Truth Mission yang kemudian diganti namanya menjadi Adelaide Institute Newsletter. Toben kemudian memperluasnya dengan membuat situs untuk para revisionis. Dia secara pribadi juga sudah mengunjungi Auschwitz dan liang-liang yang ada di bawah kamar-kamar yang diduga digunakan sebagai kamar gas. Di sana, ia tidak menemukan empat lubang di atap yang disebut-sebut untuk mengalirkan gas ke dalam ruangan. Toben juga kerap melakukan dialog secara teratur dengan para ahli 'pemusnahan' etnis. (ln/tehrantimes)

sumber: http://eramuslim.com

Berita - Lagi kediaman Palestin musnah dilanyak rejim Zionis

2005-12-30T18:05:00.000+11:00

PalestinKini, Rabu , 28/12/2005 - Tentera Israel memusnahkan sebuah kediaman rakyat Palestin di kawasan perumahan Akaba di Beit Lahya, kawasan taklukan Israel, serta mencederakan penghuni-penghuninya yang cuba mempertahankan rumah mereka dari dimusnahkan. Saksi berkata bahawa, tentera-tentera Israel yang diiringi traktor dan jentolak menghalang laluan ke kawasan berkenaan dan memusnahkan rumah tersebut yang diduduki oleh Nabil Al-Amwasi beserta tujuh ahli keluarganya. Penghuni rumah berkenaan, dalam usaha mempertahankan hak mereka, telah dipukul dan dibelasah oleh sebilangan anggota tentera setelah dipaksa keluar dari kediaman mereka. Mangsa-mangsa kemudiannya dihantar oleh orang ramai ke hospital bagi mendapat rawatan. Di sebuah perkampungan di wilayah Qalqilia, tentera penceroboh memecah masuk beberapa buah kediaman yang dipercayai didiamii beberapa aktivis Palestin. Namun tiada tangkapan dibuat. Di Ramallah pula, tentera penceroboh menguasai sebuah masjid bagi menjalankan operasi mencari pejuang Palestin. Di Nablus, tentera-tentera Israel menceroboh masuk kawasan perkampungan Beita serta menangkap dua orang pemuda Palestin. Di selatan Nablus pula, pihak tentera penceroboh melepaskan tembakan peluru getah secara rawak ke arah orang ramai. Dua orang pemuda Palestin cedera sementara tiga lagi ditahan oleh tentera penceroboh di bandar berkenaan. Note: sumber : http://www.palestine-info.co.uk penterjemah : namir"

Berita - Blame Howard, says top imam

2005-12-26T11:23:00.000+11:00

From:

By Richard Kerbaj

December 26, 2005

Sheik Omran ... he says he wants to 'wake' the Australian public.

FIREBRAND Muslim cleric Mohammad Omran has blamed the Howard Government for radicalising young Muslims, claiming that demonising Islam was driving its followers towards a terrorist mentality.

"The Government is pushing the people to believe they can do all these major disaster things," Sheik Omran told The Australian in his first major interview since 18 men, including a number of his followers, were arrested last month in Sydney and Melbourne, accused of plotting acts of terrorism.

The defiant imam, regarded as one of the most radical senior clerics in Australia, lashed out at critics who linked his teachings to alleged homegrown terror cells, insisting: "This is a public place, anyone can come to pray."

He likened the case to that of executed Australian drug trafficker Van Tuong Nguyen. "He's linked to a church, what does the church have to do with that? Would you say the priest is a drug dealer?"

Sheik Omran, who has repeatedly come under fire from other clerics and John Howard for espousing extreme views, including denying that Muslims were to blame for the September 11 attacks on the US or the London bombings earlier this year, defended his approach.

"When I say the Muslims didn't do it, then I am taking the terrorists out of the Muslims. I say we don't do that, and you say you do that. So which one makes us terrorist?"

Sheik Omran said the Howard Government's focus on terrorism was making the "naive" Australian public paranoid about Muslims and the likelihood of a terrorist attack in Australia.

"The problem here is our people. When I say our people, I say Australians in general, my beautiful people, they are so naive about the threat of terrorism because they have never had to deal with any great disasters on home soil," he said.

In his Michael Street prayer centre in Melbourne's inner north, Sheik Omran said he was no more radical than the 13 other Melbourne imams, but unlike them, he was not afraid to openly express his opposition to the war on Iraq and his support for jihadists who were fighting the coalition forces in the country.

The head of the Melbourne-based Ahl Sunnah Wal Jamaah Association said terror attacks around the world, including September 11 and the London bombings, were predominantly Western conspiracies concocted to sully the image of Islam.

He said he wanted to "wake people up to the fact" that Osama bin Laden's involvement in September 11 "is not true" and in so doing attempt to turn them away from terrorism.

People were more inclined to turn to terrorism when they were convinced they had the capacity to do so, and less inclined to turn to such extreme acts when told they did not have what it took.

"When I say this wasn't a bin Laden job and bin Laden can't do that and he doesn't have the ability to do that ... which one is encouraging terrorist action - the one saying you have the ability, or the one who says you don't have the ability?" Sheik Omran said.

He said his opinions on global terrorism, and especially bin Laden, were largely shaped by his research on the internet and in print. "I am a man of common sense - I am not an idiot who hears what people say and take it and go. I don't talk from nonsense ... I study and I put so much effort (in) before I talk."

Berita - U.S. Congress approves $600 million aid for Israel

2005-12-26T08:43:00.000+11:00

The U.S. congress approved Friday the transfer of 600 million dollar in aid to Israel for joint defense projects, in addition aid Israel receives from America, Haaretz Daily reported. The aid approved will be used to fund joint security projects between Israel and the U.S, according to media reports. The main component in the package, according to the Jerusalem Post, is the Arrow anti-missile system, a collaborative project between Israel Aircraft Industries and Boeing. Congress provided 133 million dollars for the arrow, 45 million more than what the U.S. government requested for this project, so that the extra money be used to increase the pace of the production of the Arrow components in the U.S, and thus enable Israel complete its anti-missile shield. Also some $10 million will be invested in developing a missile capable of intercepting short-range missiles. It was reported earlier this month that Israel successfully tested its Arrow anti-missile system, in response to what the Defense Ministry officials described as the mounting threat of ballistic missiles in the region. The 600 million dollar aid package also includes funding armor tiling for Bradley personnel carriers, for aircraft decoy systems and for the Hunter and Pioneer unmanned air vehicles, the Post stated. "Congress is continuing its strong support for cutting-edge defense programs, which benefit the United States and Israel and strengthen their strategic partnership," said Josh Block, spokesman for AIPAC, the pro-Israeli lobby, which accelerated the approval of the package.

Berita - Secret spying on Muslims discovered in the U.S.

2005-12-26T08:41:00.000+11:00

Officials at the Bush administration revealed on Friday that the Federal Bureau of Investigation has been secretly monitoring Muslims’ mosques homes and businesses in U.S. for abnormal radiation levels since 2002. Leaders of the Washington-area Islamic community were scheduled to hold a press conference to express their disgust at the “radiation monitoring” reports. The U.S. officials confirmed that monitoring of radiation levels took place at more than 100 Muslim homes, businesses and mosques in the capital region and in other areas nationwide. One government official said the authorities don't obtain warrants, claiming that this was due to the fact that the testing is conducted from outside the buildings on what they consider public property. Nihad Awad, executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, America's largest Muslim civil liberties group, denounced the program as "misguided" and targets "the wrong people." “This disturbing revelation, coupled with recent reports of domestic surveillance without warrant, could lead to the perception that we are no longer a nation ruled by law, but instead one in which fear trumps constitutional rights,” Awad told CNN "All Americans should be concerned about the apparent trend toward a two- tiered system of justice, with full rights for most citizens, and another diminished set of rights for Muslims." The FBI claims that its program is aimed at finding radioactive material that could be used to make a dirty bomb, which combines radioactive material with conventional explosives to spread radiation over a large area. One official at the U.S. government said that most of the testing is carried out in Washington as it is the nation's capital and considered a potential target for attacks. But another official said testing also has been conducted in Chicago, Illinois; Detroit, Michigan; Las Vegas, Nevada; Seattle, Washington; and New York City. Source: CNN

Tafsir - Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Mungkar

2005-12-24T19:09:00.000+11:00

Allah berfirman: "Dan hendaklah ada di antara kamu segolongan umat yang menyeru kepada kebaikan, menyuruh kepada yang makruf dan mencegah dari yang mungkar; merekalah orang-orang yang beruntung". (Ali Imran:104)

Keterangan dan kandungan ayat:

Dalam ayat ini Allah memerintahkan kepada para hamba-Nya yang beriman agar semaksimal mungkin menempuh jalan yang memungkinkan mereka untuk menegakkan agama mereka, yaitu dengan adanya sekelompok mereka mewakili yang lain melaksanakan tugas:

- Mengajak kepada kebaikan; yaitu agama, pokok-pokoknya, cabang-cabangnya dan syariatnya.

- Menyuruh yang makruf; yaitu apa-apa yang diketahui kebaikannya menurut syariat dan akal.

- Mencegah kemungkaran; Yaitu apa-apa yang diketahui keburukannya, secara syara' dan akal.

Merekalah orang-orang yang beruntung; Yaitu orang-orang yang akan meraih segala yang diinginkan dan selamat dari segala yang menakutkan. Mereka yang termasuk dalam kelompok ini adalah, orang berilmu dan penuntut ilmu, orang-orang yang berdakwah, para muhtasib (orang yang melakukan amar ma'ruf nahi mungkar) yang mewajibkan manusia untuk melakukan salat, mengeluarkan zakat, melaksanakan syariat agama, dan mencegah manusia dari kemungkaran. Berarti semua orang yang menyeru kepada kebaikan, baik yang bersifat umum maupun khusus, dan juga yang memberi pengarahan dan nasihat. Semuanya termasuk dalam ayat ini.

Lihat; Tafsir Ibnu Sa'di, halaman: 112 (cetakan Luwaihiq).

The US congress message push Palestinians back to the military track

2005-12-24T19:06:00.000+11:00

By: Daoud Kuttab, Institute of Modern Media at Al Quds - Ramallah , Plastinian

Friday, December 23, 2005

Integrating Hamas into the political mainstream will contribute in deescalating the cycle of violence

- On the surface of it, the resolution of the US congress and the statements of Javier Solana of the EU threatening to cut off aid to the Palestinian Authority if it allows the Islamic movement “Hamas” to participate in the upcoming legislative elections seems in tune with the west's anti terror policy. But the fact is that the resolution demands of Palestinians more than what the Israeli government the EU and the US administrations have demanded. Congress and Solana have missed the ball and have clearly taken sides in this conflict.

It sounds logical that organizations which are declared 'terrorists' by the US State Department should not get American tax payers money, but the situation here is different.

For years Palestinians and the international community have been encouraging Palestinian militants to seek the civilian route as a way of demanding an end to the Israeli occupation. Veteran Israeli leader Shimon Peres repeatedly called on Palestinians to use the ballot instead of the bullet. And suddenly when this argument seems to be heeded by Palestinians, the message from the US congress seems to be pushing Palestinians back to the military track.

There is no doubt that the infant Palestinian democracy needs to find solutions to some of its internal contradictions. The contention of US Florida congressman Fredrick Meek about the multiplicity of arms has some logic to it. The co sponsor of the resolution said in a statement "A Palestinian government that includes an armed Hamas undermines the Palestinian Authority, threatens the future of the peace process and only emboldens terrorists.” But while this issue is of importance, Palestinian leaders find themselves caught between a rock and a hard place.

The continued presence of the Israeli occupation in the Palestinian West Bank and the many unresolved issues regarding the Palestinian population in Gaza mean that the issue of resistance is not an internal issue but an external one. The failure of the international community, including the US, to end the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine and to reach a just solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict is a key part of the discussion among Palestinians.

In line with the Bush Administration's push for democracy in the greater Middle East region, Washington has quietly agreed not to interfere with any of the Middle East elections. In Egypt, Lebanon and in Iraq, the US has encouraged all to join the participatory electoral process. Muslim Brothers sympathizers in Egypt, Lebanese Hizbullah members and Iraqi Sunni and Shiite militants participated in the elections. In Lebanon and Iraq the members of so called terrorists organizations have or will soon participate in ruling governments. Why should Hamas, which follows the same ideology as the Egyptian Moslem Brotherhood be treated differently.

When Israel's prime minister Ariel Sharon visited the White House in the fall, a tacit American-Israeli agreement was reached not to veto any participants in the upcoming elections. Subsequent to that meeting, Israeli officials, who had earlier threatened to obstruct the holding of the elections retracted. Following is how the BBC covered this issue. "Israel has pulled back from a policy opposing the participation of Hamas in January's Palestinian elections. Israeli Justice Minister Tzipi Livni said it was not in Israel's interest to oppose Hamas' participation."

Palestinians are in dire need of financial support from the US, from Arabs and from the international community. The collective punishment and closure policy of the Israeli occupation forces has resulted in a depressing economic situation. But for Palestinians, as bad as the economic situation is, the need to preserve national unity is even more important. The participation of Islamic groups in the upcoming legislative elections is a major victory for the moderation of President Mahmoud Abbas. Once Islamic supporters see that they can participate in the Palestinian decision making process, they will gradually give up on their unilateral actions against the Israelis. If there is collective Palestinian agreement on the need to end the Israeli occupation, then there is a need to be united in both the strategy and tactics of ending this occupation.

Integrating Hamas and the other militant movements into the political mainstream will contribute in deescalating the current cycle of violence and allow Palestinians to focus on rebuilding their lives in the recently liberated Gaza strip and the yet to be liberated Jerusalem and the West Bank. But away from the blackmailing efforts of the US congress, Palestinians must find a way to make sure those militant groups whether they have Islamic or nationalist tendencies should not be allowed to disturb the rule of law in the Palestinian areas.

As they did in Iraq, the international community, including the US administration and the EU should encourage all Palestinians to participate in the upcoming elections and to channel themselves through negotiations. For their part the EU and members of the US congress who have poured billions of dollars to support Israel militarily and developmentally must not seek domestic political gains and favoritism by using the tiny amounts of money earmarked for Palestine in a manner that neither the US administration, the EU nor the current Israeli government has done.

* Daoud Kuttab is a Palestinian columnist and the director of the Institute of Modern Media at Al Quds University in Ramallah.

Ikhwanweb.com

Berita - Egypt's Muslim Brothers brand Israel a 'cancer'

2005-12-17T22:09:00.000+11:00

(AFP) - Cairo, Egypt Friday, December 16, 2005 Egypt's Muslim Brothers brand Israel a 'cancer' Mehdi Akef says he expects demise of Israel soon, its peace deal with Egypt should be put to referendum. CAIRO - Israel is a "cancer" in the Middle East and its peace deal with Egypt should be submitted to a referendum, the leader of Egypt's Muslim Brothers said in an interview published Thursday. "I declared that we will not recognize Israel which is an alien entity in the region. And we expect the demise of this cancer soon...," Mohammed Mehdi Akef told the state-owned English language Ahram Weekly. Egypt signed a peace agreement with Israel in 1979, becoming the first Arab country to establish diplomatic ties with the Jewish state. Islamists opposed to the deal assassinated President Anwar Sadat in 1981 for signing the Camp David accord and opposition to the normalisation of relations with Israel remains strong in Egypt. Akef stopped short of demanding the peace agreement be scrapped but suggested it should be submitted to a popular referendum. "That is for the people to decide... If I had the power I would put it to the people," he said. The banned but tolerated Brotherhood won 20 percent of the seats in the 454-strong parliament, making it the largest opposition bloc in the house.